

WE ARE NOW FAR BEYOND SIMPSON-BOWLS - REPORTS HERE FROM THIS
PAGE
























SYMPOSIUM ON INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS:
LWVCT ED FUND FOCUS ON SUB-SAHARA AFRICA IN 1990's (PRINTS AVAILABLE)

LIVE IN CT?
ELSEWHERE...WHAT ME WORRY?
http://www.pewcenteronthestates.org/report_detail.aspx?id=56044




A MAD MAGAZINE WORLD
Dodo
bird graphic makes Connecticut look
good, or at least not worst! For
exactly how bad, click here. So who was Guy Fawkes?

Congressional Report Blames Corzine
for MF Global’s Collapse
By BEN PROTESS, NYTIMES Deadbook
November 14, 2012, 1:34 pm
Congressional investigators on Wednesday took aim at a former
colleague, Jon S. Corzine, blaming the onetime senator's risk-taking at
MF Global for accelerating the brokerage firm's demise.
In excerpts from a broader MF Global report to be released on Thursday,
Republican members of a Congressional panel outlined a withering
critique of Mr. Corzine's 19-month tenure at the firm. The former
Democratic senator and governor from New Jersey resigned as MF Global's
chief executive last fall after the firm raided customer accounts
during a futile fight for its life.
While the Republican report avoided pinning blame on Mr. Corzine for
the missing customer money, sidestepping whether a crime was committed,
it argued that his fixation with risk positioned him as a central
player in the firm's collapse.
In a series of potential missteps, the report said, Mr. Corzine missed
warning signs about MF Global's weak liquidity position and he
torpedoed an overhaul of the firm's risk controls. Citing "a
dereliction of his duty," the report claims that the moves arguably
left customers vulnerable to the invasion of their accounts.
The findings from the oversight panel of the House Financial Services
Committee further show that Mr. Corzine was the architect of a $6.3
billion bet on European debt - a trade so big that it spooked the
markets and forced a run on the firm. When subordinates challenged Mr.
Corzine's European gamble, according to the report, he imposed an
"authoritarian atmosphere" in which he ejected the aides and installed
sympathetic executives he knew from his days at Goldman Sachs.
"Choices made by Jon Corzine during his tenure as chairman and C.E.O.
sealed MF Global's fate," Representative Randy Neugebauer, a Republican
from Texas who is overseeing the report as chairman of the oversight
panel, said in a statement.
The report is an aggressive rebuke of a former co-head of Goldman who
was a longtime confidant of Washington and Wall Street elite. Yet Mr.
Corzine's defenders are likely to dismiss the excerpts, which shed
little new light on his actions, as a political attack on the former
Democratic official.
The report is also unlikely to chip away at Mr. Corzine's legal
defense. Federal authorities have all but officially removed the
darkest cloud looming over Mr. Corzine: the threat of criminal charges.
And Mr. Corzine has noted that his bet on European debt, while alarming
to some, ultimately proved profitable for the firms that took over the
positions. Mr. Corzine, his supporters say, placed the wager after
inheriting a firm that faced extinction following five consecutive
quarters of losses.
Mr. Corzine's spokesman did not immediately respond to a request for
comment.
The excerpts divulged on Wednesday offer a preview of a long-awaited
Congressional report that is expected to deconstruct the firm's
downfall. The House panel's full findings, built on more than 50
witness interviews and an analysis of more than 243,000 documents, will
likely strike at an array of regulatory and management failures in the
lead up to MF Global's October 2011 bankruptcy. The report will also
examine the role that credit rating agencies played in the firm's
undoing.
The panel's yearlong investigation builds on a parallel examination led
by James Giddens, the court-appointed trustee seeking to recover money
for MF Global's customers. The report's findings led Mr. Giddens to sue
several top MF Global executives, including Mr. Corzine, saying they
breached their fiduciary duties to the firm and its customers.
The various reports detail the latest chapter in the MF Global story.
Farmers and ranchers, who traded futures contracts through MF Global to
protect themselves from the price swings of their crops, have recouped
about 82 percent of their money but are still owed millions of dollars.
And regulators continue to investigate how MF Global improperly
transferred about $1 billion in customer money to pay its own bills as
the firm spun out of control. The Commodity Futures Trading Commission
could still file a civil enforcement action against Mr. Corzine for
failing to supervise employees who tapped the customer accounts. The
Securities and Exchange Commission, according to people briefed on the
matter, is also building potential enforcement cases surrounding the
firm's limited disclosures about the European bet.
But federal investigators do not expect to file criminal charges
against top executives, the people briefed on the matter said. The
investigators, citing internal e-mails, have concluded that a state of
chaos and sloppy record-keeping caused the money to vanish. An e-mail
reviewed by The New York Times shows that an MF Global employee
explicitly assured Mr. Corzine that money he wanted to transfer
belonged to the firm, not customers.
Lawmakers were unsatisfied. They hauled Mr. Corzine to Washington three
times last year to explain the missing money. In unwavering testimony,
Mr. Corzine explained that he never intended to authorize the misuse of
customer funds.
Copyright 2012 The New York Times Company
Privacy Policy
NYTimes.com 620 Eighth Avenue New York, NY 10018
The Democrats’ GM Fiction
Washington Times
By The Editors
September 10, 2012 4:00 A.M.
The Democrats have decided to run in 2012 as the bailout party. It is
an odd choice — the 2008–09 bailouts were deeply unpopular among the
general public, and even their backers were notably conflicted about
the precedent being set and the ensuing moral hazard. But Democrats
have nonetheless made one of the most abusive episodes in the entire
bailout era their economic cornerstone: the government takeover of
General Motors.
The GM bailout was always an odd duck: The Troubled Asset Relief
Program (TARP) was created in order to preserve liquidity in the
financial markets by heading off the collapse of key financial
institutions that had made catastrophically bad bets on real-estate
securities — nothing at all to do with cars, really. GM’s financial
arm, today known as Ally Financial, was in trouble, but GM’s
fundamental problem was that its products were not profitable enough to
support its work-force expenses. A single dominant factor — the United
Auto Workers union’s extortionate contracts with GM — prevented the
carmaker from either reducing its work-force costs or making its
products more efficiently. And its hidebound management didn’t help.
Admirers of the GM bailout should bear in mind that it was the Bush
administration that first decided to intervene at the firm, offering a
bridge loan on the condition that it draw up a deeply revised business
plan. President Obama’s unique contribution was effectively to
nationalize the company, seeing to it that the federal government
violated normal bankruptcy processes and legal precedent to protect the
defective element at the heart of GM’s troubles: the financial
interests of the UAW. It did this by strong-arming GM’s bondholders
into taking haircuts in order to sweeten the pot for the UAW. The Obama
administration also creatively construed tax law to relieve GM of tens
of billions of dollars in obligations — at the same time that Barack
Obama & Co. were caterwauling about the supposed lack of patriotism
of firms that used legal means rather than political favoritism to
reduce their tax bills.
Mitt Romney’s proposal for a structured bankruptcy would have
necessitated considerable federal involvement, too, but with a key
difference: The UAW contracts would have been renegotiated, and GM’s
executive suites would have been cleaned out, placing the company on a
path toward innovation and self-sufficiency rather than permanent life
support. Which is to say, Obama did for GM what he is doing by
un-reforming welfare: creating a dependent constituency.
The Democrats cling to the ridiculous claim that the bailout of GM and
its now-Italian competitor, Chrysler, saved 1.5 million U.S. jobs. This
preposterous figure is based on the assumption that if GM and Chrysler
had gone into normal bankruptcy proceedings, the entire enterprise of
automobile manufacturing in the United States would have collapsed —
not only at GM and Chrysler but at Ford and foreign transplants such as
Toyota and Honda. Not only that, the Democrats’ argument goes, but
practically every parts maker, supplier, warehousing agency, and
services firm dedicated to the car industry would have collapsed, too.
In fact, it is unlikely that even GM or Chrysler would have stopped
production during bankruptcy: The assembly lines would have continued
rolling, interest and debt payments would have been cut, and — here’s
the problem — union contracts would have been renegotiated. Far from
having saved 1.5 million jobs, it is not clear that the GM bailout
saved any — only that it preserved the UAW’s unsustainable arrangement.
Bill Clinton bizarrely tried to claim that the bailout has been
responsible for the addition of 250,000 jobs to the automobile industry
since the nadir of the financial crisis. Auto manufacturers and
dealerships have indeed added about 236,000 jobs since then, but almost
none are at GM, which has added only about 4,500 workers, a number not
even close to offsetting the 63,000 workers that its dealerships had to
let go when the terms of the bailout unilaterally shut them down.
Ugly as the bank bailouts were, the federal government appears set to
make its money back on most of them, with the exception of some smaller
regional banks and CIT. Even AIG, one of the worst of the financial
basket cases, is set to end up being a break-even proposition for U.S.
taxpayers. But tens of billions of dollars will be lost on GM. The
federal government put up more for a 60 percent interest in the firm
than GM is worth today.
At their convention, Democrats swore that GM is “thriving,” but the
market doesn’t think so: GM shares have lost half their value since
January 2011. And while the passing of the Great Recession has meant
growing sales for all automakers, GM is seriously lagging behind its
competitors: Its sales are up 10 percent, a fraction of the increases
at Kia, Toyota, Volkswagen, and Porsche. With its sales weak, its share
price crashing, and its business model still a mess, some analysts
already are predicting that GM will return to bankruptcy — but not
until after the election.
The Obama administration talks up all of the “jobs” it saved at GM —
but jobs doing what? Manufacturing automobiles that are not competitive
without a massive government subsidy? Propping up an economically
unviable enterprise just long enough to get Barack Obama reelected? As
much as it will pain the hardworking men and women of GM to hear it, it
is not worthwhile to save jobs at enterprises that cannot compete on
their own merits. So long as the federal government is massively
subsidizing the operation, a job at GM is a welfare program with a
fairly robust work requirement. (And we all know how the Obama
administration feels about work requirements.)
We have bankruptcy laws and bankruptcy courts for a reason. It may make
sense to expedite the proceedings for very large firms such as GM in
order to prevent disruptions in the supply chain that would, as Ford’s
executives argued, harm other, healthier firms. But bankrupt is what GM
was, and bankrupt is what GM is, a fact that will become blisteringly
apparent should the government ever attempt to sell off the shares it
owns in the company.
The GM bailout was a bad deal for GM’s creditors, for U.S. taxpayers,
and, in the long run, for the U.S. automobile industry and our overall
national competitiveness. No wonder the Democrats are campaigning on a
fictionalized account of it.
The next Corzine Q’s
NYPOST
By CHARLES GASPARINO
Last Updated: 12:48 AM, December 14, 2011
Posted: 12:07 AM, December 14, 2011
By playing the fool in two high-profile hearings, Jon Corzine so far
has been able to deftly sidestep lawmakers’ questions about the
now-infamous implosion of MF Global, including the disappearance of a
whopping $1.2 billion in customer money that should have been kept safe
in brokerage accounts. But new questions are about to arise.
Specifically: How did Corzine manage to convince regulators that a
relatively small brokerage like MF Global was ready for big-time
status, both as a risk-taking hedge fund and (even more startling) as a
primary dealer of US government debt — a status that only a very few
firms are allowed?
The likely explanation involves Corzine’s long experience at the nexus
of politics and finance — as CEO of Goldman Sachs, then US senator and
New Jersey governor, and of course as a leading Obama fund-raiser. In
other words, crony capitalism.
Corzine is to appear before the House Financial Services Committee’s
Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations tomorrow, and informed
sources tell me the panel is keenly interested in how Corzine (who’d
been out of the brokerage business for over a decade) managed to take
this firm from nothing to something almost overnight — that is, before
its spectacular demise last month.
Keep in mind that being a primary dealer — with the rare privilege to
underwrite US government debt sold at auction and then resell those
bonds to investors — is no small-fry position. The coveted assignment
is usually reserved for the biggest firms that are also considered the
market’s safest bets.
The New York Fed selects the best and most financially solid firms for
this task for obvious reasons: When markets become volatile, it wants
to make sure the firm buying government bonds can withstand the
volatility. In other words, the government wants to make sure its
primary dealers can take a punch and won’t implode at the slightest
turn of the markets.
Yet MF Global was anything but one of the market’s soundest outfits.
Not only did a simple disclosure of its of its European debt exposure
cause a severe cash-crunch, but the very fact that it lost more than $1
billion in customer funds during its final hours shows that (at
minimum) MF Global lacked basic and routine controls.
So how did all of this manage to evade regulators, despite all the new
rules promulgated in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis?
Well, William Dudley, who runs the New York Fed (which, again, selected
MF Global as a primary dealer), is just one of Corzine’s old Goldman
cronies to be found in the MF Global mess.
That the two worked together at Goldman doesn’t necessarily mean
Corzine got a break from an old colleague. In fact, Corzine has said
that he “never spoke” with Dudley about the primary dealer matter, at
least to the “best of my recollection.”
But committee members are skeptical, not just about Corzine’s “best
recollection,” but also because, according to a person close to the
subcommittee, “MF Global tried to get primary-dealer status prior to
Corzine . . . and once Corzine became CEO, MF Global got primary-dealer
status.”
That status gave MF Global greatly added legitimacy, bringing in
clients and letting CEO Corzine transform it into a risk-taking trading
shop — without, it seems, the most rudimentary controls to protect
customer cash.
Whose job was it to make sure those controls were in place? Certainly
at the top of the list is the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, run
by yet another Goldman alum, Gary Gensler.
The implosion of MF Global and the disappearance of customer cash may
well turn out to involve massive fraud and deception. But the firm’s
expansion to that point may involve something equally sinister but
completely legal: The ability to work the system, which seems to be
Corzine’s greatest feat.
Financial terrorism
suspected in 2008 economic crash; Pentagon study sees element
By Bill Gertz, The Washington Times
8:54 p.m., Monday, February 28, 2011
Evidence outlined in a Pentagon contractor report suggests that
financial subversion carried out by unknown parties, such as terrorists
or hostile nations, contributed to the 2008 economic crash by covertly
using vulnerabilities in the U.S. financial system.
The unclassified 2009 report "Economic Warfare: Risks and Responses" by
financial analyst Kevin D. Freeman, a copy of which was obtained by The
Washington Times, states that "a three-phased attack was planned and is
in the process against the United States economy."
While economic analysts and a final report from the federal
government's Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission blame the crash on
such economic factors as high-risk mortgage lending practices and poor
federal regulation and supervision, the Pentagon contractor adds a new
element: "outside forces," a factor the commission did not examine.
"There is sufficient justification to question whether outside forces
triggered, capitalized upon or magnified the economic difficulties of
2008," the report says, explaining that those domestic economic factors
would have caused a "normal downturn" but not the "near collapse" of
the global economic system that took place.
Suspects include financial enemies in Middle Eastern states, Islamic
terrorists, hostile members of the Chinese military, or government and
organized crime groups in Russia, Venezuela or Iran. Chinese military
officials publicly have suggested using economic warfare against the
U.S.
In an interview with The Times, Mr. Freeman said his report provided
enough theoretical evidence for an economic warfare attack that further
forensic study was warranted.
"The new battle space is the economy," he said. "We spend hundreds of
billions of dollars on weapons systems each year. But a relatively
small amount of money focused against our financial markets through
leveraged derivatives or cyber efforts can result in trillions of
dollars in losses. And, the perpetrators can remain undiscovered.
"This is the equivalent of box cutters on an airplane," Mr. Freeman
said.
Paul Bracken, a Yale University professor who has studied economic
warfare, said he saw "no convincing evidence that 'outside forces'
colluded to bring about the 2008 crisis."
"There were outside players in the market" for unregulated credit
default swaps, Mr. Bracken said in an e-mail. "Foreign banks and hedge
funds play the shorts all the time too. But suggestions of an organized
targeted attack for strategic reasons don't seem to me to be plausible."
Regardless of the report's findings, U.S. officials and outside
analysts said the Pentagon, the Treasury Department and U.S.
intelligence agencies are not aggressively studying the threats to the
United States posed by economic warfare and financial terrorism.
"Nobody wants to go there," one official said.
A copy of the report also was provided to the recently concluded
Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, but the commission also declined
to address the possibility of economic warfare in its final report.
Officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said senior
Pentagon policymakers, including Michael Vickers, an assistant defense
secretary in charge of special operations, blocked further study,
saying the Pentagon was not the appropriate agency to assess economic
warfare and financial terrorism risks.
Mr. Vickers declined to be interviewed but, through a spokesman, said
he did not say economic warfare was not an area for the Pentagon to
study, and that he did not block further study.
Mr. Vickers is awaiting Senate confirmation on his promotion to be
undersecretary of defense for intelligence.
Despite his skepticism of the report, Mr. Bracken agreed that financial
warfare needs to be studied, and he noted that the U.S. government is
only starting to address the issue.
"We are in an era like the 1950s where technological innovation is
transforming the tools of coercion and war," he said. "We tend not to
see this, and look at information warfare, financial warfare, precision
strike, [weapons of mass destruction], etc. as separate silos. It's
their parallel co-evolution that leads to interesting options, like
counter-elite targeting. And no one is really looking at this in an
overall 'systems' way. Diplomacy is way behind here."
Mr. Freeman wrote the report for the Pentagon's Irregular Warfare
Support Program, part of the Combating Terrorism Technical Support
Office, which examines unconventional warfare scenarios.
"The preponderance of evidence that cannot be easily dismissed demands
a thorough and immediate study be commenced," the report says.
"Ignoring the likelihood of this very real threat ensures a
catastrophic event."
The report concluded that the evidence of an attack is strong enough
that "financial terrorism may have cost the global economy as much as
$50 trillion."
Because of secrecy surrounding global banking and finance, finding the
exact identities of the attackers will be difficult.
But U.S. opponents in Russia who could wage economic warfare include
elements of the former KGB intelligence and political police who regard
the economy as a "logical extension of the Cold War," the report says.
Asked by The Times who he thought to be the most likely behind the
financial attacks, Mr. Freeman said: "Unfortunately, the two major
strategic threats, radical jihadists and the Chinese, are among the
best positioned in the economic battle space."
Also, the report lists as suspects advocates of Islamic law, who have
publicly called for opposition to capitalism as a way to promote what
they regard as the superiority of Islam.
Further Pentagon Low Intensity Conflict office research into possible
economic warfare or financial terrorism being behind the economic
collapse by the Pentagon's Special Operations and was blocked, Mr.
Freeman said.
The Pentagon report states that the evidence of financial subversion
revealed that the first two phases of an attack on the U.S. economy
took place from 2007 to 2009 and "based on recent global market
activity, it appears that the predicted Phase III may be underway right
now."
The report states that federal authorities must further investigate two
significant events in the months leading up to the financial crisis.
The first phase of the economic attack, the report said, was the
escalation of oil prices by speculators from 2007 to mid-2008 that
coincided with the housing finance crisis.
In the second phase, the stock market collapsed by what the report
called a "bear raid" from unidentified sources on Bear Stearns, Lehman
Brothers and other Wall Street firms.
"This produced a complete collapse in credit availability and almost
started a global depression," Mr. Freeman said.
The third phase is what Mr. Freeman states in the report was the main
source of the economic system's vulnerability. "We have taken on
massive public debt as the government was the only party who could
access capital markets in late 2008 and early 2009," he said, placing
the U.S. dollar's global reserve currency status at grave risk.
"This is the 'end game' if the goal is to destroy America," Mr. Freeman
said, noting that in his view China's military "has been advocating the
potential for an economic attack on the U.S. for 12 years or longer as
evidenced by the publication of the book Unrestricted Warfare in 1999."
Additional evidence provided by Mr. Freeman includes the statement in
2008 by Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. that the Russians had
approached the Chinese with a plan to dump its holdings of bonds by the
federally backed mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
Among the financial instruments that may have been used in the economic
warfare scenario are credit default swaps, unregulated and untraceable
contracts by which a buyer pays the seller a fee and in exchange is
paid off in a bond or a loan. The report said credit default swaps are
"ideal bear-raid tools" and "have the power to determine the financial
viability of companies."
Another economic warfare tool that was linked in the report to the 2008
crash is what is called "naked short-selling" of stock, defined as
short-selling financial shares without borrowing them.
The report said that 30 percent to 70 percent of the decline in stock
share values for two companies that were attacked, Bear Stearns and
Lehman Brothers, were results of failed trades from naked short-selling.
The collapse in September 2008 of Lehman Brothers, the fourth-largest
U.S. investment bank, was the most significant event in the crash,
causing an immediate credit freeze and stock market crash, the report
says.
In a section of who was behind the collapse, the report says
determining the actors is difficult because of banking and financial
trading secrecy.
"The reality of the situation today is that foreign-based hedge funds
perpetrating bear raid strategies could do so virtually unmonitored and
unregulated on behalf of enemies of the United States," the report says.
"Only recently have defense and intelligence agencies begun to consider
this very real possibility of what amounts to financial terrorism
and-or economic warfare."
As for Chinese involvement in economic sabotage, the decline in the
world economy may have hurt Beijing through a decline in purchases of
Chinese goods.
Treasury spokeswoman Marti Adams had no immediate comment on the report
but said her department's views on the causes of the economic crash
were well known.
© Copyright 2011 The Washington
Times, LLC. Click here for reprint permission.
--------------------------------------------------------------
THE
GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS:
Bernanke says debt limit battle risks
crisis
YAHOO
By Pedro Nicolaci da Costa
14 June 2011
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke warned on
Tuesday that a failure to lift the government's $14.3 trillion debt
ceiling risks a potentially disastrous loss of confidence in America's
creditworthiness.
Bernanke said in the absence of a quick resolution to the battle over
the debt limit, the United States could lose its prized AAA credit
rating, while the U.S. dollar's special status as a reserve currency
might be damaged.
"Even a short suspension of payments on principal or interest on the
Treasury's debt obligations could cause severe disruptions in financial
markets and the payments system," Bernanke said in remarks prepared for
delivery at an event sponsored by the Committee for a Responsible
Federal Budget.
Inaction could also "create fundamental doubts about the
creditworthiness of the United States, and damage the special role of
the dollar and Treasury securities in global markets in the long term,"
Bernanke added.
Vice President Joe Biden and top lawmakers, set to resume budget
negotiations on Tuesday, must work around a stark divide on taxes and
healthcare as they look for trillions of dollars in savings that would
give Congress the political cover to raise the debt ceiling before the
government runs out of money.
The Treasury Department has warned the government will begin defaulting
on its obligations -- whether debt payments or other bills coming due
-- if Congress does not increase the limit by August 2.
"We could actually have a reprise of a financial crisis, if we play
this too close to the line. So we're going be working hard over the
next month," President Barack Obama warned on Tuesday.
Bernanke also repeated his calls for a long-term budget plan. He said
that while a considerable portion of recent deficits was due to fallout
from the recession, which led to lower revenues and higher stimulus
spending, large "structural" budget issues remain.
Developing a plan now for how to reduce that debt load over time could
bolster economic activity today by keeping borrowing costs down and
boosting confidence, Bernanke argued.
"Maintaining the status quo is not an option," Bernanke said.
He urged the Congress and the administration to work together to come
up with ways to bring down the debt.
"I hope, though, that such a plan can be achieved in the near term
without resorting to brinkmanship," he said.
G.O.P. Stopgap May Avert Federal
Shutdown
NYTIMES
By CARL HULSE
February 25, 2011
WASHINGTON — The prospect of an imminent federal government shutdown
diminished Friday as House Republicans proposed a carefully calibrated
stopgap measure that Democrats said could be acceptable.
Under the proposal, the law now keeping the government open would be
extended two more weeks, until March 18, at the price of $4 billion in
new spending cuts. In the interim, House and Senate leaders would try
to negotiate a broader plan to finance the government at reduced levels
through Sept. 30.
While the measure, which will be considered by the House and Senate
next week, represents only a reprieve, it showed that both Republicans
and Democrats were interested in easing the political tensions around
the budget showdown.
As they adjust to the new power structure on Capitol Hill, both sides
have said they hope to avoid an impasse that could shutter federal
agencies. To make it harder for Democrats to object to the temporary
plan, Republican architects of the proposal tried to make the cuts
relatively painless.
They came up with the $4 billion by ending eight education,
transportation and other programs that President Obama had previously
sought to close down, a savings of almost $1.2 billion. They also
reclaimed nearly $2.8 billion set aside for earmarks in the current
budget; both the House and Senate have agreed to ban such pet projects.
“We hope the Senate is going to finally join us in these common-sense
cuts to keep the government open and not continue to play chicken,”
said Representative Eric Cantor, the Virginia Republican and majority
leader.
Senate Democrats indicated they would be willing to go along with the
proposal despite their insistence earlier this week that any temporary
measure should be free of spending reductions. They had portrayed such
a maneuver as a back-door way for House Republicans to begin enacting
$61 billion in cuts that have met objections in the Senate.
“We are encouraged to hear that Republicans are abandoning their
demands for extreme measures like cuts to border security, cancer
research and food safety inspectors,” said Jon Summers, a spokesman for
Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the majority leader.
If approved, the measure would buy time for more talks on the depth of
spending cuts.
If the House and Senate do not reach a deal by March 18 under the
latest proposal, they will once again face the prospect of closing
federal agencies or be forced to enact another temporary extension.
Republicans said their willingness to fashion a measure that involved
relatively uncontroversial cuts and was free of the more ideologically
charged provisions included in the $61 billion plan showed that they
were sincere when they said their main interest was reducing spending,
not shutting down the government.
“This is to get the government moving forward but to cut spending in
government,” said Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the No.
3 Republican. “I don’t see how Democrats can’t take these basic steps
toward reining in government while keeping our government operational.”
But Democrats said their efforts to raise the alarm about a possible
shutdown due to Republican demands for deep cuts in a variety of
federal agencies had paid off. They said Republicans instead chose to
advance a temporary measure with the same kind of spending trims that
Democrats had been advocating.
"They feared a government shutdown, and so they are adopting some of
our suggestions on what to cut," said Senator Charles E. Schumer of New
York, the No. 3 Democrat in the Senate.
The House is expected to approve the temporary measure on Tuesday,
leaving a few days for the Senate to act and send a measure to
President Obama before the current stopgap bill expires at midnight
Friday. The time frame leaves little opportunity for the Senate to
alter the measure and send it back to the House.
Senate Republicans said Democrats had few good options with the clock
ticking and encouraged them to accept the bill and move on to the
negotiations over the broader spending legislation as well as the
budget for 2012.
“By supporting the House bill, our friends on the other side of the
aisle will have the chance to ensure that the government remains
operational while we work with them to identify additional ways to
shrink Washington spending this year,” said Senator Mitch McConnell of
Kentucky, the Republican leader.
Striking a final deal will not be easy. Democrats contend that the $61
billion cut by the House in its marathon floor debate earlier this
month reaches far too deeply into essential federal programs and
strikes out at favored Obama administration initiatives like the new
health care law. Senate Democrats have begun assembling their own
package of cuts and expect to bring it forward next week as an
alternative to the Republican plan.
At the same time, the new House speaker, John A. Boehner of Ohio, has
little room for negotiation given the insistence by his rank and file,
including 87 newly elected Republicans, on standing firm on the $61
billion in reduced spending that has already cleared the House.
But both sides agree that federal agencies face some level of
significant spending cuts from the budgets they are currently operating
under, a result that could cause some disruptions.
Europe’s Piecemeal Failure
NYTIMES
By ALISTAIR DARLING
December 5, 2010
London
WHEN I look at events in Europe today, with Ireland getting bailed out
and talk of crises brewing elsewhere on the continent, I am reminded of
the weeks leading up to the banking crisis in 2008. As the credit
crunch began and banks found it increasingly difficult to get access to
funding, policy makers faced a choice: deal with the problem in a
piecemeal way, or address the root causes immediately. For too
long many policy makers opted to fudge their approach; they dealt with
the problem bank by bank and refused to recognize the system’s
fundamental flaws...long,
thoughtful article here.

Senator Dodd didn't run again because of this?
Countrywide CEO Mozilo settles with
SEC for $67.5M
YAHOO
By JACOB ADELMAN, Associated Press Writer
15 October 2010
LOS ANGELES – Countrywide Financial Corp. co-founder Angelo Mozilo and
two other former executives have agreed to pay tens of millions of
dollars to avoid a trial on civil fraud and insider trading charges, a
federal judge said in court Friday. Mozilo and the others were to
face trial on the Securities and Exchange
Commission's charges next week. Mozilo agreed to repay $45
million in ill-gotten profits and $22.5
million in civil penalties. Former Countrywide President David Sambol
will repay $5 million in profits and pay $520,000 in civil penalties,
and former Chief Financial Officer Eric P. Sieracki will pay $130,000
in civil penalties.
Sambol's attorney Walter Brown said in a statement after the hearing
that Bank of America Corp., which bought Countrywide in July 2008,
would pay his client's $5 million in ill-gotten profits.
The payment comes on top of $600 million that Bank of America agreed to
pay in August to end a class-action case filed by former shareholders
against Countrywide. Mozilo lawyer David Siegel did not return a
message asking whether the
former countrywide chairman's $45 million forfeiture would also be paid
by the bank.
Messages left with Charlotte, N.C.-based Bank of America were not
immediately returned. Under the settlement, the three men did not
admit wrongdoing.
"Mr. Sambol has agreed to settle the SEC lawsuit and put the matter
behind him for the benefit of his family and loved ones," Brown said in
the statement.
Sieracki's lawyer, Shirli Fabbri Weiss, said in a news release that all
fraud-based claims against her client had been dropped and that his
civil penalty was to settle fraud-based charges. An SEC spokesman
did not return a phone message. The SEC accused the men of
misleading shareholders about the quality of
the loans on Countrywide's books. The civil complaint also accused
Mozilo of acting on his inside knowledge of the company's precarious
state when he sold shares between November 2006 and October 2007 ahead
of its collapse, reaping more than $139 million.
Mozilo was not in court when the settlement was announced. The
former Countrywide chairman is the nation's highest-profile
defendant yet to face trial for risky business practices leading to the
housing collapse that sent the country into recession. In legal
filings, regulators portrayed the three defendants as engaging
in a single-minded pursuit of market dominance, even if it meant
knowingly taking disastrous risks. The company was a major player
in the market for high-risk subprime
mortgages and became the biggest U.S. mortgage lender overall before it
spiraled into disaster when the mortgage meltdown hit.
The settlement talks involving Mozilo were disclosed after U.S.
District Judge John F. Walter filed a notice Thursday for trial lawyers
to attend a status conference Friday.
Countrywide's lending practices are reportedly also the subject of a
criminal probe in Los Angeles. Thom Mrozek, a spokesman for the U.S.
attorney's office, declined to comment about the situation.
Countrywide was based in Calabasas, Calif.
Economic panel says recession ended in
June 2009
YAHOO
By JEANNINE AVERSA, AP Economics Write
20 September 2010
WASHINGTON – The longest recession the country has endured since the
Great Depression ended in June 2009, a group that dates the beginning
and end of recessions declared Monday. The National Bureau of
Economic Research, a panel of academic economists based in Cambridge,
Mass., said the recession lasted 18 months. It started in December 2007
and ended in June 2009. Previously the longest post World War II
downturns were those in 1973-1975 and in 1981-1982. Both of those
lasted 16 months.
The NBER decision makes official what many economists have believed for
some time, that the recession ended in the summer of 2009. But it won't
make much difference to most Americans — especially the nearly 15
million without jobs. Americans are coping with 9.6 percent
unemployment, scant wage gains, weak home values and the worst
foreclosure market in decades.
President Barack Obama saw little reason to celebrate the group's
finding that the recession had ended. Appearing at a town-hall
meeting sponsored by CNBC, Obama said times are still very hard for
people "who are struggling," including those who are out of work and
many others who are having difficulty paying their bills.
"The hole was so deep that a lot of people out there are still
hurting," the president said. It's going "to take more time to solve"
an economic problem that was years in the making, he added.
The economy started growing again in the July-to-September quarter of
2009, after a record four straight quarters of declines. Thus, the
April-to-June quarter of 2009, marked the last quarter when the economy
was shrinking. At that time, it contracted just 0.7 percent, after
suffering through much deeper declines. That factored into the NBER's
decision to pinpoint the end of the recession in June. Any future
downturn in the economy would now mark the start of a new recession,
not the continuation of the December 2007 recession, NBER said. That's
important because if the economy starts shrinking again, it could mark
the onset of a "double-dip" recession. For many economists, the last
time that happened was in 1981-82.
To make its determination, the NBER looks at figures that make up the
nation's gross domestic product, which measures the total value of
goods and services produced within the United States. It also reviews
incomes, employment and industrial activity. The economy lost 7.3
million jobs in the 2007-2009 recession, also the most in the post
World War II period.
The Great
Depression lasted much longer. The United States suffered through a
43-month recession that ended in 1933. Then, it slid back into
recession, which lasted for 13 months. That ended in 1938.
The NBER normally takes its time in declaring a recession has started
or ended. For instance, the NBER announced in December 2008 that
the recession had actually started one year earlier, in December 2007.
Similarly, it declared in July 2003 that the 2001 recession was over.
It actually ended 20 months earlier, in November 2001. Its
determination is of interest to economic historians — and political
leaders. Recessions that occur on their watch pose political
risks. In President George W. Bush's eight years in office, the
United States fell into two recessions. The first started in March 2001
and ended that November. The second one started in December 2007.
NBER's decision means little to ordinary Americans now muddling through
a sluggish economic recovery and a weak jobs market. Unemployment is
9.6 percent and has been stuck at high levels since the recession
ended. Many will continue to struggle.
Unemployment usually keeps rising well after a recession ends. Four
months after the 2007 downturn ended, unemployment spiked to 10.1
percent in October 2009, which was the highest in just over a
quarter-century. Some economists believe that marked the high point in
joblessness. But others think it could climb higher — perhaps hitting
10.3 percent by early next year.
After the 2001 recession, for instance, unemployment didn't peak until
June 2003 — 19 months later. Word of the recession's official end
comes just two months before Election Day. But the decision isn't
likely to play a big role in November's congressional and gubernatorial
elections.
Some Democrats might hail it as a sign of progress, but voters are
guided by gut reactions far more than economists' pronouncements.
With unemployment still hovering just below 10 percent, some Democrats
have urged Obama to stop boasting about any economic progress at all.
They fear it annoys people who feel things are not getting better for
themselves and their neighbors, and it makes politicians seem out of
touch with ordinary Americans' worries.

Source for this nice Hartford Courant graphic: Bureau of Economic Analysis, U.S.
Department of Commerce.






In Michigan, a City Pleads for a
Bankruptcy Option
NYTIMES
By MONICA DAVEY
December 27, 2010
HAMTRAMCK, Mich. — Leaders of this city met for more than seven hours
on a Saturday not long ago, searching for something to cut from a
budget that has already been cut, over and over.
This time they slashed money for boarding up abandoned houses — aside
from emergencies, like vagrants or obvious rats, said William J.
Cooper, the city manager. They shrank funds for trimming trees and
cutting grass on hundreds of lots that have been left to the city. And
Mr. Cooper is hoping that predictions of a ferocious snow season prove
false; once state road funds run out, the city has set nothing aside to
plow streets.
“We can make it until March 1 — maybe,” Mr. Cooper said of Hamtramck’s
ability to pay its bills. Beyond that? The political leaders of this
old working-class city beside Detroit are pleading with the state to
let them declare bankruptcy — a desperate move the state is not even
willing to admit as an option under the current circumstances.
“The state is concerned that if they say yes to one, if that door is
opened, they’ll have 30 more cities right behind us,” Mr. Cooper said,
as flurries fell outside his City Hall window. “But anything else is
just a stop gap. We’re going to continue to pursue bankruptcy until the
door is shut, locked, barricaded, bolted.”
Bankruptcy, increasingly common among corporations and individuals,
remains rare for municipalities. Local leaders who want to win
elections find it unappealing and often have other choices for solving
financial woes. Besides, states have a say in whether a municipality
may pursue bankruptcy at all, and they have every reason to avoid such
an outcome, not least of all for fear of a creating a ripple effect
that could cripple the municipal bond market and drive up the cost of
borrowing.
Yet with anemic property tax revenues and forecasts of more dire
financial times ahead, some experts and elected leaders fear more
localities may have to at least consider bankruptcy.
“There could be many cities in this position next year,” said Summer
Hallwood Minnick, director of state affairs for the Michigan Municipal
League, who added that in this state, cities have already struggled
with billions less than expected in state revenue sharing. “All our
communities have done is cut, cut, cut. They’re down to four-day
workweeks and the elimination of parks, senior centers, all of that. So
if there’s anything else that happens, they will be over the edge.”
This month, the authorities in Rhode Island said the City of Central
Falls could face bankruptcy if immediate, drastic changes — perhaps the
city’s annexation into a neighboring municipality — fail. Some leaders
in Harrisburg, Pa., which owes millions in debt payments tied to an
incinerator project, say bankruptcy may eventually be the only choice.
Only about 600 cities, counties, towns and special taxation districts
have filed for bankruptcy (known as Chapter 9 for these sorts of
entities) since 1937, said James E. Spiotto, a municipal bankruptcy
expert at Chapman & Cutler, a law firm in Chicago, and fewer than
250 in the last three decades. In part, it can be hard — even
impossible — to do: about half the states have statutes authorizing
such filings, but some of them set limits or require elaborate approval
processes. Other states have no specific provision allowing cities to
pursue bankruptcy, and at least one, Georgia, bans such moves.
So far, the financial misery of the past two years has not caused a
surge in bankruptcy applications; about 15 municipalities pursued
bankruptcy in the last two years. But if revenue forecasts continue as
predicted, 2011 might bring a rise in cities faced with such a fate.
Hamtramck (pronounced ham-TRAM-eck) did not anticipate its current
circumstances. Officials in Detroit, Hamtramck’s far larger next-door
neighbor, announced this year that they had for years overpaid
Hamtramck in a revenue sharing deal related to a General Motors Company
plant that sits smack on the border of the two cities. The dispute is
likely to be resolved, eventually, in court, but meanwhile, Detroit has
stopped paying $2 million a year, and Hamtramck is watching a growing
gap in its $18 million budget.
Here, the urgent search for services to cut has turned all attention to
a realm that is also emerging at the center of budget debates in cities
and states around the country: the costs of salaries, benefits and
pensions of public workers.
Mr. Cooper, the city manager, says that everything else that could be
cut already has been, while the city goes on spending 60 percent of its
total general fund to pay for its police and firefighting forces — 75
current police officers and firefighters and about 240 former workers
and spouses now on pensions. Mr. Cooper said that an entry-level police
officer costs the city about $75,000 a year in salary and benefits, and
yet repeated efforts to renegotiate contracts have failed. “They kind
of have the Cadillac plan,” Mr. Cooper said, “and we’d kind of like the
Chevy.”
The police and firefighters question whether the city’s bankruptcy talk
is really just a scare tactic for negotiation. Earlier discussions with
city officials, they say, have urged them to accept pay cuts, layoffs,
increased worker payments to pensions and even a suggestion that
officers might pay for a portion of their own bulletproof vests — all
this while the city has opted not to increase taxes.
“Nobody likes the police until you need them,” said Jon Bondra, the
incoming president of Hamtramck’s police union.
(Found, Mr. Cooper says, posted on the wall of the firefighters’
barracks: his name — crossed out — on a list of former city managers
and the word, “Next?”)
Hamtramck, all 2.1 square miles of it, is a gritty city, a proud one,
and a place “that can do more with less than anywhere on earth,” in the
view of Greg Kowalski, 60, who has lived here since childhood.
Immigrants have arrived in waves over time, leaving layers here like
sedimentary rock — from Germany, Poland, Bosnia, Albania, Bangladesh,
Yemen and more. Along Joseph Campau Street on a recent morning, a woman
in a burqa strolled past Stan’s Grocery, which boasts about its Polish
pierogi and kielbasa.
Hamtramck — once a community of more than 50,000 people but now less
than half of that — grew up around an enormous auto factory that John
and Horace Dodge built here a century ago. It remains a city woven
together by union history, a fact that makes the turmoil filtering out
from City Hall all the more pronounced.
“Look, if I was king of the world, I’d give them all a million
dollars,” Charles Sercombe, the editor of The Hamtramck Review, the
local newspaper, said of police officers and firefighters. “But this is
the new economy, welcome to it.” He noted that his own job is now part
time and he receives no health benefits.
Although Mr. Cooper says he believes bankruptcy, which could allow the
city to “start over” with its labor contracts, is the only solution,
the authorities in the state of Michigan have so far rejected the
city’s request that the governor issue an executive order allowing
Hamtramck to file for bankruptcy. An official from the state’s Treasury
Department said that no city in Michigan has gone through bankruptcy,
and that the governor has no such authority; the state has specific
provisions for authorizing a bankruptcy filing, including intervention
from an emergency financial manager and an emergency loan board. The
current administration, which will be departing later this week, has
urged Hamtramck to seek state assistance, including a possible
emergency loan. .
Rick Snyder, a Republican who is to be sworn in as governor of Michigan
on Saturday, said the circumstances in Hamtramck concerned him,
particularly for what it might bode elsewhere. “We could have a large
number of jurisdictions facing insolvency,” he said. “Major
reinvention” will be a necessity, he added, including taking a serious
look at the structure of local governments and the possibility, in some
places, of consolidation of services.
A new fear is bubbling up along the streets here: that Hamtramck, in so
much fiscal angst, may ultimately disappear (either through bankruptcy
or, simply, default), and wind up sharing services with or becoming a
part of Detroit, a place many here describe as painfully rundown and
unsafe.
“I’m not going to wait for two hours for a cop to show up,” said
Shannon Lowell, the co-owner of a coffee shop. “We’ve trimmed every bit
of fat. What else are we going to do? Borrow money from our dying
grandmother?”
Do you have a
problem with this? We do!
Let Treasury Rescue the States
NYTIMES
By CHRISTOPHER EDLEY Jr.
July 7, 2010
Berkeley, Calif.
HERE in California, where people tiresomely boast that the state’s
gross domestic product exceeds that of all but seven nations, I keep
expecting a ballot initiative demanding admission to the Group of 8
industrialized nations. I’d consider voting for it, too; then maybe
Washington would work as hard to synchronize its economic policy with
Sacramento as it does with Tokyo and Berlin. The lack of coordination
within the United States — and, equally important, the failure to
recognize the states as macroeconomic players — helps explain our
sluggish recovery.
To make matters worse, several states have country-sized G.D.P.’s, but
none has the macroeconomic tools of an independent country. Every state
except Vermont has some sort of balanced budget requirement that
prevents it from weathering a recession by running up big deficits to
keep teachers employed, students in college, welfare payments flowing
and construction humming. Nor can New York and California stimulate
their economies by, say, printing more currency. Instead, states are
managing huge budget crises with the only tools they have, cutting
spending and raising taxes — both of which undermine the federal
stimulus.
That’s why the best booster shot for this recovery and the next would
be to allow states to borrow from the Treasury during recessions. We
did this for Wall Street and Detroit, fending off disaster. It’s even
more important for states.
Here’s how this would work. States already receive regular federal
matching grants to help pay for Medicaid, welfare, highway construction
programs and more. For instance, the federal government pays a share of
state Medicaid costs, from 50 percent to more than 75 percent,
depending on a state’s wealth. The matching rates were temporarily
sweetened by last year’s stimulus.
But Congress should pass legislation that would allow a state to simply
get an “advance” on these future federal dollars expected from
entitlement programs. The advance could then be used for regional
stimulus, to continue state services and to hasten our recovery.
The Treasury Department, which writes the checks to the states, could
be assured of repayment (with interest) by simply cutting the federal
matching rate by the needed amount over, say, five years. Of course,
when Treasury eventually collected what it was owed, the state would
have to cut spending or find new revenue sources. But that would happen
after the recession, when both tasks would likely prove easier
economically and politically.
What would this cost the federal government? Nothing. There would be
zero risk of default, and a guarantee of full repayment plus interest
equal to what Treasury pays in the bond markets to borrow. Congress
would need only to appropriate the administrative costs of this
program, which would be minimal.
It seems clearer every day that there isn’t the political will for
another traditional federal stimulus package large enough to be
effective in a $14 trillion economy. This proposal, however, would
merely shift the timing of federal payments to states to help offset
economic swings. It would have the additional merit of finally forging
the federal-state partnership that has been missing since 1787, when
the Constitution created a federal government with sufficient
legislative authority to shape a nationwide economy out of separate
state economies.
Indeed, our best shot at devising United States economic policy may be
to give the states the role of creating and carrying out the economic
stimulus we so desperately need.
Christopher Edley Jr., the dean of
the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law, was a White
House budget official from 1993 to 1995.
The point of the day!
Senate votes to rein in
mortgage lenders
YAHOO
By JIM KUHNHENN, Associated Press Writer
12 May 2010
WASHINGTON – Taking aim at deceptive lending, the Senate on Wednesday
voted to ban mortgage brokers and loan officers from getting greater
pay for offering higher interest rates on loans, and to require that
borrowers prove they can repay their loans. The Senate, however,
rejected a measure that would have required homebuyers to make a
minimum downpayment of 5 percent on their loans. The votes were part of
the Senate's deliberations on a broad overhaul of financial regulations
designed to avoid a repeat of the crisis that struck Wall Street in
2008.
President Barack Obama weighed in on the Senate debate Wednesday,
criticizing efforts to exclude auto dealerships that offer car loans
from the oversight of a proposed consumer financial protection bureau.
Auto dealers — influential figures in their communities — have been
aggressively lobbying for an exemption from the law, and the amendment,
offered by Sen. Sam Brownback R-Kan., could win bipartisan backing.
"This amendment would carve out a special exemption for these lenders
that would allow them to inflate rates, insert hidden fees into the
fine print of paperwork, and include expensive add-ons that catch
purchasers by surprise," Obama said in a statement.
The administration has fiercely tried to protect the consumer
provisions of the bill. It has answered the political power of the auto
dealers with an appeal on behalf of the military, arguing that soldiers
and their families have been particularly targeted by deceptive
dealers. On Wednesday, Holly Petraeus, wife of U.S. Central Command
chief Gen. David Petraeus, made a plea for the bill's consumer
protections to apply to car buyers.
"It's a fact that military personnel love their cars," she said.
"Sadly, many of them end up paying far more for those cars than they
should." Petraeus, director of the Council of Better Business Bureau's
Military Line Program, said financial counselors at military
installations find many of their customers in financial trouble with
their auto payments, locked into loans of 15 percent or higher.
In a statement, Brownback argued auto dealers are already regulated by
the Federal Trade Commission and by local and state agencies. "If any
service member is the victim of predatory lending while trying to buy a
car," he said, "I encourage him or her to seek out local and state
authorities which already handle these investigations and can take care
of the problem."
The Senate unanimously approved an amendment Wednesday that made clear
that merchants and retailers that do not engage in a financial services
would not be policed by the proposed consumer protection bureau.
Critics had argued that the bill could affect small business owners
such as orthodontists, who allow patients to pay over time.
Separately, the Senate overwhelmingly voted to let the Federal Reserve
retain its supervision of smaller banks. The underlying regulation bill
would have given the central bank oversight only over the largest
financial institutions.
Regional Fed presidents have lobbied senators to allow them to continue
watching over smaller bank holding companies and state-chartered
community banks. Limiting the Fed's supervision only to bank holding
companies with assets of more than $50 billion — as proposed by Senate
Banking Chairman Christopher Dodd, D-Conn. — would have left many of
the Fed's 12 regional banks with few institutions under their
oversight. The lending-related measures attempted to respond to
one of the issues at the heart of the financial crisis — the abundance
of bad mortgage-backed securities that nearly toppled Wall Street and
knocked some of the nation's largest financial institutions to their
knees.
"Credit
was extended to people who couldn't pay their mortgages back, and those
were passed throughout the world," said Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn. "So we
had a systemic crisis, not only in this country, but around the world."
Senators voted 63-36 to amend an underlying financial regulation bill
to place restrictions on how mortgage brokers and bank loan officers
get compensated. The measure's lead sponsor, Sen. Jeff Merkley, D-Ore.,
argued that consumers were steered into higher rate mortgages that they
were unable to pay, resulting in foreclosures and toxic mortgage-backed
securities that poisoned the markets. Borrowers would have to
provide evidence of their income, either though tax returns, payroll
receipts or bank documents. That
provision seeks to eliminate so-called stated-income loans where
borrowers offered no proof of their ability to pay.
But the Senate voted 57-42 against a Republican amendment offered by
Corker that set tougher underwriting standards, including the
downpayment requirement. That measure also would have eliminated a
condition that mortgage lenders retain 5 percent of any mortgages they
resell in the securities market. Democrats opposed the Corker
plan, citing both their desire to have banks keep some of the risk of
the mortgages they write and their concern that the downpayment mandate
would hurt lower income families.
Mortgage brokers opposed Merkley's measure, arguing it would create a
two-tiered system separating mortgage brokers from bank lenders. They
noted that the amendment would permit banks to receive greater payments
from investors, such as large Wall Street firms, for bundled mortgages
with higher interest rates.
"It's
a legal incentivizing payment for those very loans that put the
industry in this mess," said Roy DeLoach, executive vice president of
the National Association of Mortgage Brokers.
Beware Of The Muni Bond Bubble: States And Cities Can Fail As Well
Investors.com
By NICOLE GELINAS
Posted 04/29/2010 06:15 PM ET
Greece and Spain both suffered S&P downgrades this week — Greece to
junk — as bondholders realized the obvious. The nations cannot raise
taxes and cut spending fast enough to pay their debt without killing
off economic recovery.
But nothing has shaken another massive debt market: American municipal
bonds.
You might think that investors would pause before pouring money into
obligations of muni debt, particularly obligations of California, New
York or Illinois. Like mid-2000s homeowners, state and local
governments spent boom years using illusory gains to justify
ever-higher spending and borrowing.
By 2008, state and local debt rose to $2.2 trillion — 49% higher, after
inflation, than in 2000. The biggest partners in profligacy also
promised more benefits to public workers in the future.
As the recession's severity became apparent, officials kept borrowing:
States have already borrowed another $15 billion for operating costs
over the past two years.
Yet gatekeepers consider municipal bonds low-risk. "We do not expect
that states will default on general-obligation debt, even under the
most stressed economic conditions," analysts at Moody's wrote in a
February 2010 report...full story here.







Congress extends
unemployment benefits for another 13 weeks.
"Irrational exuberance" gives way to bankruptcies - the Fed
now calls for beginning of "restoration of fiscal balance."
"Overseer" of slave bankers; HOW IS THE AMERICAN
ECONOMY LIKE A ROLLER
COASTER RIDE? . FED Chair. reappointed;
Government Motors to face off against Chrysler by fiat (pun intended)
and...the only
car company to NOT go under is...FORD!
AP IMPACT: Road projects don't help unemployment
YAHOO
By MATT APUZZO and BRETT J. BLACKLEDGE, Associated Press Writers
January 11, 2010
WASHINGTON – Ten months into President Barack Obama's first economic
stimulus plan, a surge in spending on roads and bridges has had no
effect on local unemployment and only barely helped the beleaguered
construction industry, an Associated Press analysis has found.
Spend a lot or spend nothing at all, it didn't matter, the AP analysis
showed: Local unemployment rates rose and fell regardless of how much
stimulus money Washington poured out for transportation, raising
questions about Obama's argument that more road money would address an
"urgent need to accelerate job growth."
Obama wants a second stimulus bill from Congress that relies in part on
more road and bridge spending, projects the president said are "at the
heart of our effort to accelerate job growth."
Construction spending would be a key part of the Jobs for Main Street
Act, a $75 billion second stimulus to revive the nation's lethargic
unemployment rate and improve the dismal job market for construction
workers. The House approved the bill 217-212 last month after House
Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., worked the floor for an hour; the
Senate is expected to consider it later in January.
AP's analysis, which was reviewed by independent economists at five
universities, showed that strategy hasn't affected unemployment rates
so far. And there's concern it won't work the second time. For its
analysis, the AP examined the effects of road and bridge spending in
communities on local unemployment; it did not try to measure results of
the broader aid that also was in the first stimulus like tax cuts,
unemployment benefits or money for states.
"My bottom line is, I'd be skeptical about putting too much more money
into a second stimulus until we've seen broader effects from the first
stimulus," said Aaron Jackson, a Bentley University economist who
reviewed AP's analysis.
Even within the construction industry, which stood to benefit most from
transportation money, the AP's analysis found there was nearly no
connection between stimulus money and the number of construction
workers hired or fired since Congress passed the recovery program. The
effect was so small, one economist compared it to trying to move the
Empire State Building by pushing against it.
"As a policy tool for creating jobs, this doesn't seem to have much
bite," said Emory University economist Thomas Smith, who supported the
stimulus and reviewed AP's analysis. "In terms of creating jobs, it
doesn't seem like it's created very many. It may well be employing lots
of people but those two things are very different."
Transportation spending is too small of a pebble to quickly create
waves in the nation's $14 trillion economy. And starting a road
project, even one considered "shovel ready," can take many months,
meaning any modest effects of a second burst of transportation spending
are unlikely to be felt for some time.
"It would be unlikely that even $20 billion spent all at once would be
enough to move the needle of the huge decline we've seen, even in
construction, much less the economy. The job destruction is way too
big," said Kenneth D. Simonson, chief economist for the Associated
General Contractors of America.
Few counties, for example, received more road money per capita than
Marshall County, Tenn., about 90 minutes south of Nashville.
Obama's stimulus is paying the salaries of dozens of workers, but local
officials said the unemployment rate continues to rise and is expected
to top 20 percent soon. The new money for road projects isn't enough to
offset the thousands of local jobs lost from the closing of
manufacturing plants and automotive parts suppliers.
"The stimulus has not benefited the working-class people of Marshall
County at all," said Isaac Zimmerle, a local contractor who has seen
his construction business slowly dry up since 2008. That year, he built
30 homes. But prospects this year look grim.
Construction contractors like Zimmerle would seem to be in line to
benefit from the stimulus spending. But money for road construction
offers little relief to most contractors who don't work on
transportation projects, a niche that requires expensive, heavy
equipment that most residential and commercial builders don't own.
Residential and commercial building make up the bulk of the nation's
construction industry.
"The problem we're seeing is, unfortunately, when they put those
projects out to bid, there are only a handful of companies able to
compete for it," Zimmerle said.
The Obama administration has argued that it's unfair to count
construction jobs in any one county because workers travel between
counties for jobs. So, the AP looked at a much larger universe: The
more than 700 counties that got the most stimulus money per capita for
road construction, and the more than 700 counties that received no
money at all.
For its analysis, the AP reviewed Transportation Department data on
more than $21 billion in stimulus projects in every state and
Washington, D.C., and the Labor Department's monthly unemployment data.
Working with economists and statisticians, the AP performed statistical
tests to gauge the effect of transportation spending on employment
activity.
There was no difference in unemployment trends between the group of
counties that received the most stimulus money and the group that
received none, the analysis found.
Despite the disconnect, Congress is moving quickly to give Obama the
road money he requested. The Senate will soon consider a proposal that
would direct nearly $28 billion more on roads and bridges, programs
that are popular with politicians, lobbyists and voters. The overall
price tag on the bill, which also would pay for water projects, school
repairs and jobs for teachers, firefighters and police officers, would
be $75 billion.
"We have a ton of need for repairing our national infrastructure and a
ton of unemployed workers to do it. Marrying those two concepts strikes
me as good stimulus and good policy," White House economic adviser
Jared Bernstein said. "When you invest in this kind of infrastructure,
you're creating good jobs for people who need them."
Highway projects have been the public face of the president's recovery
efforts, providing the backdrop for news conferences with workers who
owe their paychecks to the stimulus. But those anecdotes have not added
up to a national trend and have not markedly improved the country's
broad employment picture.
The stimulus has produced jobs. A growing body of economic evidence
suggests that government programs, including Obama's $700 billion bank
bailout program and his $787 billion stimulus, have helped ease the
recession. A Rutgers University study on Friday, for instance, found
that all stimulus efforts have slowed the rise in unemployment in many
states.
But the 400-page stimulus law contains so many provisions — tax cuts,
unemployment benefits, food stamps, state aid, military spending —
economists agree that it's nearly impossible to determine what worked
best and replicate it. It's also impossible to quantify exactly what
effect the stimulus has had on job creation, although Obama points to
estimates that credit the recovery program for creating or saving 1.6
million jobs.
Politically, singling out transportation for another round of spending
is an easier sell than many of the other programs in the stimulus. The
money can be spent quickly and provides a tangible payoff. Even some
Republicans who have criticized the stimulus have said they want more
transportation spending.
Spending money on roads also ripples through the economy better than
other spending because it improves the nation's infrastructure, said
Bernstein, the White House economist.
But that's a policy argument, not a stimulus argument, said Daniel
Seiver, an economist at San Diego State University who reviewed AP's
analysis.
"Infrastructure spending does have a long-term payoff, but in terms of
an immediate impact on construction jobs it doesn't seem to be showing
up," Seiver said. "A program like this may be justified but it's not
going to have an immediate effect of putting people back to work."
Report:
10 states face looming
budget disasters
YAHOO
By JUDY LIN, Associated Press Writer
November 11, 2009
SACRAMENTO, Calif. – In Arizona, the budget has grown so gloomy that
lawmakers are considering mortgaging Capitol buildings. In Michigan,
state officials dealing with the nation's highest unemployment rate are
slashing spending on schools and health care.
Drastic financial remedies are no longer limited to California, where a
historic budget crisis earlier this year grew so bad that state
agencies issued IOUs to pay bills.
A study released Wednesday warned that at least nine other big states
are also barreling toward economic disaster, raising the likelihood of
higher taxes, more government layoffs and deep cuts in services.
The report by the Pew Center on the States found that Arizona, Florida,
Illinois, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island and
Wisconsin are also at grave risk, although Wisconsin officials disputed
the findings. Double-digit budget gaps, rising unemployment, high
foreclosure rates and built-in budget constraints are the key reasons.
"While California often takes the spotlight, other states are facing
hardships just as daunting," said Susan Urahn, managing director of the
Washington, D.C.-based center. "Decisions these states make as they try
to navigate the recession will play a role in how quickly the entire
nation recovers."
The analysis, "Beyond California: States in Fiscal Peril," urged
lawmakers and governors in those states to take quick action to head
off a wider catastrophe. The 10 states account for more than one-third
of the nation's population and economic output, according to the report.
Historically, states have their worst tax revenue year soon after a
national recession ends. At the same time, higher joblessness and
underemployment mean more people need government-sponsored health care
and social safety-net programs, further taxing state services.
California leads the most vulnerable states identified by the report,
which describes it as having poor money-management practices. Since
February, California has made nearly $60 billion in budget adjustments
in the form of cuts to education and social service programs, temporary
tax hikes, one-time gimmicks and stimulus spending, according to the
Legislative Analyst's Office.
Many of those fixes are not expected to last. The state's temporary tax
increases will begin to expire at the end of 2010, while federal
stimulus spending will begin to run out a year after that.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger estimates California will run a deficit of
$12.4 billion to $14.4 billion when he releases his next spending plan
in January. The governor warned that the toughest cuts are ahead.
"I think that we are not out of the woods yet," Schwarzenegger said
this week.
At the same time, the Legislature is hamstrung by requirements that
budget bills and tax increases be passed with a two-thirds majority, a
mandate that the report labeled "a recipe for gridlock."
The Pew report was based on data available as of July 31 and scored all
50 states based on revenue changes, unemployment, foreclosures and
budget requirements. It also gave them grades. California and Rhode
Island scored worst with D-pluses, then New Jersey and Illinois with
C-minuses.
In reviewing why some states are suffering more than others, Pew found
that the 10 states tend to rely heavily on one type of industry, have a
history of persistent budget shortfalls or face legal constraints
making it extra difficult to implement major changes, such as tax
increases.
Many require a supermajority vote for passing tax increases or budget
bills.
Wisconsin officials issued a statement late Wednesday saying the Pew
report was inaccurate. Wisconsin Department of Administration Secretary
Michael Morgan said the state has balanced its budget by cutting
spending and raising revenue. It projects a $270 million budget surplus
for the period ending July 1, 2011, Morgan said in his statement.
Several state legislatures have been unable to enact long-term fixes.
Instead, they asked voters or governors to make the call, or used
accounting gimmicks to put off the hard choices until later.
For example:
• Arizona lawmakers relied on one-time fixes to balance recent budgets
as the state's home foreclosure rate surpassed California's and the
nationwide average. Among the many ideas being explored by the state
are a plan to mortgage state buildings, then rent the property until
the state regains ownership at the end of the contract.
• Michigan, where two of the Detroit Three automakers filed for
bankruptcy protection this year, continues to offer tax incentives even
as they take a toll on the state's pocketbook, leading to declining tax
revenue. According to the Pew study, Michigan offered $6.3 billion more
in total tax exemptions, credits and deductions than it actually
collected in taxes in 2008.
• Illinois, which has run deficits every year since 2001, is facing an
$11.7 billion budget gap for its next fiscal year, beginning in July,
according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. Pew's
Government Performance Project ranked Illinois behind only California
and Rhode Island for its lack of fiscal management on paying medical
bills and pension liabilities.
• With Florida facing a shrinking population for the first time since
World War II, Republican Gov. Charlie Crist and the GOP-controlled
Legislature balanced a $5.9 billion shortfall with cuts, federal
stimulus money and tax hikes, including a $1-a-pack tax increase on
cigarettes. But the future remains uncertain.
"Florida continues to face the same challenges as last year, including
a very austere budgetary environment," said Rep. David Rivera, a Miami
Republican who chairs both of the Florida House's two appropriations
councils.
U.S. unemployment
rate hits 10.2 percent
YAHOO
By Lucia Mutikani
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The U.S. unemployment rate unexpectedly jumped
to 10.2 percent in October, breaching the politically sensitive
double-digit barrier for the first time in 26-1/2 years, even though
the pace of job losses slowed.
A Labor Department report showed on Friday that employers cut 190,000
jobs last month, more than the 175,000 markets had expected. Economists
had looked for the jobless rate to rise to only 9.9 percent from 9.8
percent the prior month.
The government revised job losses for August and September to show
91,000 fewer jobs lost than previously reported.
U.S. stock index futures turned negative on the data, while government
debt prices rose.
"The unemployment rate of 10.2 percent is problematic because it gives
a sense of urgency to Washington, D.C. Washington will be looking for
any increase in stimulus," said Tom Sowanick, co-president and chief
investment officer at Omnivest Group.
President Barack Obama has called job creation priority No. 1, but the
scope to take further steps to lift the economy is limited by record
budget deficits.
Mounting unemployment could pose problems for the Democrats who control
Congress as they head into congressional elections in November 2010.
This week, Republicans wrested control of two state governorships away
from Democrats in races where the weak economy figured prominently.
The labor market is being watched for signs whether the economic
recovery that started in the third quarter can be sustained without
government support. The economy grew at a 3.5 percent annualized rate
in the July-September period, probably ending the most painful U.S.
recession in 70 years.
Labor market sluggishness and weak wage growth suggest inflation is
unlikely to get out of hand anytime soon, giving the Federal Reserve
scope to maintain supportive policies.
The U.S. central bank on Wednesday held overnight interest rates close
to zero percent and said it would keep them extraordinarily low as long
as excess economic slack and a lack of inflation warning signs
prevailed.
"The Fed will stay on hold even longer with less likelihood of giving a
concrete answer to when and how to withdraw quantitative easing," said
Joseph Trevisani, senior market analyst at FX Solution in Saddler
River, New Jersey.
Payrolls have declined for 22 consecutive months now, throwing 7.3
million people out of work since December 2007, when the recession
started.
However, the pace of layoffs has slowed sharply from early this year,
when nearly three-quarters of a million jobs were lost in January. In
October, job losses were across almost all sectors, with education and
health services and professional and business services bucking the
trend.
Manufacturing employment fell 61,000 last month, while construction
industries payrolls dropped 62,000.
The service-providing sector cut 61,000 workers in October and
goods-producing industries slashed 129,000 positions. Education and
health services added 45,000 jobs, while government employment was flat.
The average workweek, which closely correlates with overall output and
gives clues on when firms will start hiring, was steady at 33 hours in
October. Average hourly earnings rose to $18.72 from $18.67 in
September.


Peter Orszag and Tim Geithner add it up - yup, it's
13! I guess Mr. Orszag of OMB had evens.
Geithner yawned at epic fraud
NYPOST
By CHARLES GASPARINO
Last Updated: 11:11 PM, July 15, 2012
Posted: 10:36 PM, July 15, 2012
Tim Geithner had evidence of a financial crime of epic proportion
— so he wrote a memo.
That’s about the only way you can sum up the then-New York Fed boss’
actions several years ago, when he was confronted with fairly
compelling evidence that banks under his direct supervision were
manipulating Libor — a key benchmark of global finance.
The Libor scandal has become pretty big news, with Barclays ousting its
CEO and agreeing to pay a large fine even as it cooperates with civil
and criminal law-enforcement authorities now investigating other big
banks.
But it doesn’t end there: There’s also evidence that top regulators,
including Geithner, now Treasury secretary, knew about and largely
ignored the mess.
On Friday, the New York Fed released documents that supposedly
exonerate Geithner. Selective leaks to friendly news outlets ensured
kind first-day coverage, with one headline reading “Geithner tried to
curb bank’s rate rigging in 2008.”
But that’s a bizarrely generous read of Geithner’s action (or inaction)
on learning that Barclays actually admitted to one of his investigators
that it had submitted false data for the computation of Libor, and that
other banks were doing the same.
As I wrote last week, the New York Fed has long enjoyed a cozy
relationship with the banks under its regulatory umbrella — ignoring
even the stuff that brought down the financial system in 2008.
A close associate of former Clinton Treasury Secretary and top
Citigroup exec Robert Rubin, Geithner has spent most of his
professional life as a federal financial bureaucrat — a member of a
community that keeps close ties with the heads of the major banks. Yet
even by that standard, his behavior in the Libor scandal is incredible.
Libor, the London Interbank Offered Rate, is set by a UK banking trade
group, which uses the big banks’ borrowing costs to compute a single
benchmark rate that’s widely used on complex financial products as well
as consumer loans.
In other words, rigging Libor is a pretty big deal. Yet Geithner
treated it like a parking violation.
In 2007 and 2008, as the banking crisis began to heat up and big
investors started demanding higher interest rates when lending to the
banks, evidence began to build that banks were submitting falsely low
borrowing costs to mask their financial distress.
Barclays was one such bank. Indeed, the New York Fed learned as early
as December 2007 that Barclays may have been manipulating Libor — but
Geithner’s crew waited until April 2008 to make its initial inquiry,
documents show.
That’s when a New York Fed official contacted a trading executive at
Barclays — who admitted the dirty deed with very little pressure: “We
know that we’re not posting, um, an honest Libor.”
The trader’s rationale: If the bank posted its real borrowing costs,
then spiking in the runup to the banking crisis, “It draws, um,
unwanted attention on ourselves.”
The trader indicated that other banks were submitting fake info, too.
The New York Fed regulator conducting the interview didn’t seem
particularly outraged, answering with a simple “OK.”
Maybe the Fed official didn’t want to show her cards, but you’d think
that a competent regulator hearing a concession like would get the
wheels of justice moving pretty quickly. But not at Tim Geithner’s New
York Fed.
Geithner was brought in right after the call — and his response was
more of the same. He sent a single e-mail to his counterpart at the
Bank of England recommending a handful of ways to address Libor
rigging, including how UK regulators “should eliminate incentive to
misreport.”
So here you have it: In Geithner’s world, rate-rigging fraud is
“misreporting.”
His UK counterpart, Bank of England Governor Mervyn King, didn’t do
much better. He e-mailed Geithner that he’d ask the trade group “to
include in their consultation document the ideas contained in your
note.”
Other than a few followup calls from his staff to traders, that’s about
the end of Geithner’s real interest in the matter — until it came to
light that the practices were much worse and more pervasive than even
the Barclays trader had suggested, and that other big banks directly
under the New York Fed’s jurisdiction were manipulating one of the
world’s most important financial barometers.
Or, as Geithner put it, “misreporting.”
Orszag says he's leaving as budget head in
July
YAHOO
By BEN FELLER, Associated Press Writer
22 June 2010
WASHINGTON – White House Budget Director Peter Orszag says he's
stepping down next month, positioning him to be the first high-profile
member of President Barack Obama's team to depart the administration.
Orszag confirmed his planned resignation in a brief interview with The
Associated Press on Tuesday. He said he views passage of last year's
economic recovery act as his most significant accomplishment.
White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs said Tuesday that "a number of
very talented candidates" were being considered to replace Orszag.
"Peter has served alongside and within a valuable economic team that
has faced the greatest economic crisis any president has faced since
the great depression. It is an enormous task," Gibbs said.
As director of the Office of Management and Budget, Orszag holds
Cabinet-level rank and a pivotal role in shaping and defending how the
administration spends the public's money. He quickly emerged from a
bureaucratic post to become a camera friendly face of Obama's
government, often in front on plans to confront the deficit and to spur
the economy.
Speculation has for weeks held that Orszag would leave this year after
a grueling, nonstop sprint as the head of the budget agency and a key
adviser to Obama. During his tenure, Congress has passed the most
expensive economic stimulus program in U.S. history and a massive
health care reform law. Orszag has overseen Obama's first two budgets,
too. Gibbs said Orszag decided to leave before work began on a third.
Orszag, 41, came to Obama's government from the position of director of
the Congressional Budget Office, the agency charged with providing
nonpartisan analyses of economic issues to lawmakers. He served during
Bill Clinton's administration as an assistant to the president for
economic policy and a senior adviser at the National Economic Council.
The move comes as Obama continues to face the steep economic challenges
of reining in the deficit and rallying support for more stimulative
spending. The economic recovery is plodding along but unemployment
remains near 10 percent.
U.S. debt flirts with unlucky number
That's 13, as in $13 trillion
Washington Times
Wednesday, May 26, 2010
Stephen Dinan
News reports have jumped the gun in declaring it, lawmakers
and staffers on Capitol Hill are awaiting it with a morbid glee, and
some congressional aides suspect the government's slow-walking it.
It, in this case, is the nation's public debt, which has hovered just
short of $13 trillion for days now, according to the obscure Treasury
Department website that tracks this sort of thing.
The site updates every business day with the previous business day's
total debt, right down to the penny, and has been within reach of $13
trillion for this entire week. The figure for Tuesday - the most recent
available - stood at $12,995,779,490,444.52.
That's led some Republican congressional staffers to question whether
the clock hadn't stalled out just below the Big 13, though Treasury
says the site is being updated the same way it always has been.
Still, some private "debt clock" websites already have tolled the magic
number, which several press outlets have reported and lawmakers have
fired off statements on. One senator complained of "an unprecedented
level of irresponsibility" in hitting the milestone.
Joyce Harris, a spokeswoman for the Bureau of the Public Debt, said
she'd seen the press reports, but said they're based on private
estimates and, according to the government, we're not there just yet.
"It's not an official number," she said. "The number for the debt is
$12.995 trillion."
At that level, it amounts to more than $42,000 for every U.S. resident.
Part of the confusion is that Treasury only reports once a day, while
outside calculations estimate the rise by the second, based on formulas
that oftentimes go too high, too fast. They often have to reel those
numbers back in after Treasury reports the actual figure -and there are
even some days the debt drops, ever so slightly, because more old bills
or bonds are cashed than are issued.
Still, the number has been on a steady rise as of late.
Ed Hall's www.brillig.com/ debt_clock topped $13 trillion on Monday,
but he dropped his clockback below that figure Wednesday afternoon.
Meanwhile, USDebtClock.org topped $13 trillion on Wednesday, prompting
several news reports and statements from Congress.
The fascination with $13 trillion far outstrips the significance of
that particular number. But with Congress poised to pass bills spending
tens of billions of dollars this week, the debt has gotten wrapped up
in the debate.
The Republicans on the Joint Economic Committee are using their Twitter
feed to give daily updates, and said that since President Obama took
office, the debt has increased at a rate of $4.8 billion a day, or
nearly three times the daily average of the Bush administration.
The debt passed the $12 trillion mark less than 200 days ago, and if
the $13 trillion mark is hit in the next eight weeks, it will be the
second-fastest $1 trillion jump in history. The fastest trillion came
in late 2008 and early 2009, when the Wall Street bailout rapidly
ballooned the debt from $11 trillion to $12 trillion.
Earlier this year, Congress and Mr. Obama raised the country's debt
limit to $14.3 trillion, hoping it would to give the government enough
room to spend through the end of this year.
Total public debt includes two pots of money. One is normal government
debt held in the hands of consumers, such as Treasury bills and bonds,
while the other is intragovernmental holdings, or money one part of the
government borrows from another agency. That includes money borrowed
from the Social Security trust funds.
Some analysts said the key figure is not the total public debt, but the
debt held by the public, which stood at $8.478 trillion on Tuesday.
Rudy Penner, a former director of the Congressional Budget Office who
is now at the Urban Institute, said in many ways, the debt number is so
divorced from spending that it obfuscates the debate. He said the debt
debate should be coupled with the spending debate, so lawmakers can
couple the red ink with the policies that cause it.
Congress has yet to produce a budget this year for fiscal year 2011,
which begins Oct. 1, and Mr. Penner said that's a key failure that
should be getting more attention.
The Web page that tracks the debt can be reached from the
TreasuryDirect.gov site.
© Copyright 2010 The Washington Times, LLC. Click here for reprint
permission.
John Silvia (left) debates with fellow
economist Mark Perry (from our "across-the-pond" source, I-BBC).
Head-to-head: What next for US
economy?
I-BBC
Page last updated at 12:06 GMT, Thursday, 29 October 2009
Official data has
indicated that the US economy has come out of
recession, but analysts warn the continuing recovery will be slow.
Here we bring together two US economists with differing views
to discuss what is likely to happen next.
John
Silvia is chief economist at Wells Fargo in Charlotte, North Carolina.
He sees disappointment ahead for US workers and consumers, with a
long-term decline in living standards.
Mark Perry is professor
of economics at the University of Michigan-Flint and currently visiting
economist at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. He is
more optimistic, expecting a resilient economy to produce job growth by
late 2010 and deliver low prices for consumers.
Some
fear US growth will fall when President Barack Obama's $787bn
(£480bn)
fiscal stimulus package comes to an end. What about the possibility of
a "double-dip" recession, with a return to economic contraction?
John Silvia: I do not see the case for a double-dip
or W-shaped recession/recovery.
Historically, the double dip of 1980-82 was driven by a sharp
change in monetary policy.
This
recovery is being led by federal spending and gradual recovery in
consumer spending and business investment. I do not expect the Obama
administration to make any drastic turn in fiscal policy.
In
addition, low inflation will stay and allow the Fed to maintain low
short-term rates, with only a limited decline in the balance sheet.
Mark Perry: I
think the recession ended in June and I also see no chance of a
double-dip recession. There will be strong growth in the third quarter
(3.5% to 4%) and fourth quarter (4% to 5%), with more moderate growth
in 2010, about 2.5% to 3%.
Without some kind of policy blunder, which is unlikely, there
will be no double-dip.
Most of the fiscal stimulus hits next year, which will help
economic growth.
We
will have a "jobless recovery" again through 2010, as we did following
the 1990-1991 and 2001 recessions. The unemployment rate is set to
remain at 9.8% to 10% through mid-2010, gradually coming down below
9.5% by the end of 2010.
There is only a moderate risk of inflation, which should stay
below 2% through next year.
Some
signs of consumer recovery are already evident. Air travel was up in
September and traffic volume has been up for several months in a row.
Strong global recovery in emerging markets such as China,
Brazil, India will help to support the US recovery.
John Silvia: Strong
growth in the second half of this year will give way to 2.4% growth in
2010, as we see the stimulus waning in the first half of next year. But
the jobless recovery will set up both economic and political conflicts.
The jobless recovery suggests disappointing gains in personal
income and spending, as many households realise that their standard of
living has been diminished.
At the same time, state and local
government budget constraints will continue to tighten as income and
sales tax revenues remain disappointing.
Again, the jobless
recovery and the Fed's caution suggests the weak housing market will
continue. Local governments face a two-year-plus period of minimum
gains in property tax revenues - and therefore an inability to deliver
on local education expectations.
Unemployment and large federal
deficits will mean Democratic losses in Congress of 30-plus seats in
the House of Representatives and three seats in the Senate in the 2010
mid-term elections.
On top of that, the dollar will continue to
decline and America's standard of living will continue to decline
relative to other nations.
Mark Perry: I think the dollar's decline will
stabilise before it can damage the economy and cause any decline in US
standards of living.
The
money supply has been flat this year for both M1 and M2, suggesting
that the decline in the dollar today results from monetary stimulus in
2008, but that ended almost a year ago.
Since early 2009, the
money supply has grown by only 1% to 2%, which will put a bottom on how
far the dollar can fall. Also, the strength in foreign currencies
relative to the dollar will help boost US exports - and make a positive
contribution to real GDP this year and next year.
The global
rebound and recovery will also help stimulate US exports and will help
the US economy in ways that didn't happen previously. Global strength
will help lift the US economy out of recession this year and next year.
Meanwhile, the stock market will continue to rise, because of
huge productivity gains from the reduction in labour force, along with
continued increases in output in the third and fourth quarters of 2009.
Corporate profits will also rise, boosting stocks.
The housing
market is coming back, with sales gains even now in places such as
Florida and California. With house prices rising, the housing market
will continue to improve, construction will pick up next year, and all
of this will offset some of the effects of the weak job growth.
Low
and stable interest rates moving forward, with low moderate inflation,
will help the housing market and keep corporate and consumer borrowing
costs low, providing momentum to growth.
John Silvia: I
agree on the forward momentum. My issue is that the pace will be
disappointing to a society and political class that has made
significant promises in health care and education that will not be
deliverable with just moderate growth.
Middle-income and low-income families will see their standard
of living below their expectations.
There
will be growth, yes, but not enough to keep voters happy. Attempts to
provide that standard of living depend on protectionism for jobs,
dollar depreciation and continued foreign financial support.
Mark Perry: Passing
health care legislation, at least the public option part, is looking
less and less likely to me, so that issue could be dead by the end of
the year.
With falling prices for just about everything
(clothing, food, air travel, housing, cell phone service, prescription
drugs etc and historically low interest rates for home and car
purchases), there has never been a better time to be a consumer in
America, and that will offset some of the income losses. Also, job
growth by end of 2010 will help boost confidence and incomes.
The
US economy is resilient, and that goes for workers, consumers and
companies. A strong economic recovery might surprise everybody.
Emerging
from a deep recession will make the economy leaner, more productive and
stronger, offsetting the headwinds mentioned by John.
Page last
updated at 14:31 GMT,
Thursday, 29 October 2009
US economy is
growing once again
The US economy grew at an annual pace of
3.5% between July and September, its first expansion in more than a
year.
The growth was helped by a substantial government spending
plan, including a scrappage scheme to boost car sales.
The official figures indicate recession has ended, but some
economists think there could be further setbacks.
The White House said it was "a welcome milestone", but
stressed it would be some time before the economy made a full recovery.
Compared
with the previous three months, the US economy grew by 0.9%. In the
same period, and on the same measure, the UK economy unexpectedly
stayed in recession after it shrank by 0.4%.
Global good news
BBC
chief economics correspondent Hugh Pym said the 3.5% annualised growth
rate was more than the 3.3% expected by most commentators.
 |
I've been out of work a
few months here or there but never like this 
Unemployed American Jon Polis
|
"The sheer scale of the stimulus in the US has made a big
difference, it was much bigger in percentage terms than that in the
UK," he said.
"That the US, the powerhouse of the world economy is growing
once again, is good news for the global economy has a whole."
It is the first time US economy has last expanded since the
second quarter of 2008, when it grew at an annual pace of 2.4%.
Official
confirmation of whether the US is in or out recession will come from
the National Bureau of Economic Research, the agency which considers a
number of factors in coming to its decision.
Numerous boosts
The figures from the Commerce Department showed that a number
of factors helped to lift the economy during the third quarter.
 |
This recovery is being
led by federal spending and gradual recovery in consumer spending and
business investment 
|
Spending on durable manufactured products soared at an
annualised
rate of 22.3%, the highest quarterly amount since 2001, led primarily
by the impact of the cash for clunkers scheme lifting car sales.
The housing market also improved, with spending on housing
products up 23.4%, its largest quarterly jump in 23 years.
Analysts said this big leap was sparked by the government's
$8,000 tax credit for first-time house buyers.
Meanwhile, total government spending was up 7.9%, as the
wider stimulus spending continued to take effect.
In addition, exports were also up strongly, increasing 21.4%,
the biggest rise since 1996.
'Distorted by stimulus'
 |
WHAT IS GDP?
Gross
Domestic Product, or GDP, measures the value of goods and services
produced in a country, reflecting the health of the economy in one
number.
The US uses a measure called annualised
GDP, which
takes the change over a three-month period and works out what the
annual change would be if it continued at that pace over a whole year.
This latest figure is the first estimate
for the
three-month period between July and September. It will be revised twice
in coming months.
|
"It's good to have the economy growing again," said Brian
Bethune, economist at IHS Global Insight.
"But we don't think that rate of growth is sustainable
because it is distorted by all the government stimulus.
"The challenge here is to get organic growth - growth that
isn't helped by fiscal steroids."
Analysts
cautious about the slow nature of the US economic recovery point to the
fact that the unemployment rate currently stands at 9.8%, and that the
labour market traditionally lags behind any wider economic recovery.
They
also highlight the fact that the big car firms have already reported a
sharp fall in September sales following the conclusion of the popular
$3bn cash for clunkers scheme at the end of August.
"You can
say that the recession is over, but it sure won't feel like that," said
Dean Baker, co-director of the Centre for Economic Policy Research.
"There is a lot of downward momentum that isn't going to go."
U.S. must live within its means:
Geithner
YAHOO
By Glenn Somerville and Walter Brandimarte
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The United States must live within its means
once its economy recovers if it is to preserve global confidence in the
U.S. dollar's status, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner said on
Friday. The comments came as the Obama administration reported a
record U.S. budget deficit for the fiscal year ended September of $1.4
trillion. At 10 percent of gross domestic product, it was the biggest
U.S. fiscal shortfall since World War Two. Rescuing the economy
and some of the country's biggest banks from the worst recession since
the Great Depression took a toll on U.S. finances, and the White House
has forecast deficits of more than $1 trillion through fiscal 2011.
"Future deficits are too high, and the president is committed to
working with Congress to bring them down to a sustainable level as the
economy recovers," Geithner said in a statement accompanying the fiscal
data.
Separately, White House economic adviser Lawrence Summers said
financial firms that helped precipitate two years of economic crisis
are going to have to bow to stiffer oversight of their activities to
prevent it happening again. Geithner and other policymakers will
discuss the U.S. economic and budget outlook, and prospects for
financial regulatory reform, at the Reuters Washington Summit on
October 19-21.
FISCAL OUTLOOK AFFECTS U.S. DOLLAR
On Friday, Geithner said the U.S. dollar's status as a key reserve
currency carries special responsibilities that include keeping spending
under control, Geithner said earlier on Friday in an interview on CNBC
television.
"It is very important that Americans understand that we need to do
everything possible to sustain confidence in our ability to keep
inflation low and stable over time and to make sure we're getting our
fiscal house in order," Geithner said.
Developments over the past year, when many investors put their money
into U.S. Treasury securities and the dollar rose at times, showed
there was still a great deal of confidence in U.S. economic management.
"The world wanted to be in Treasuries, in the safest and most liquid
markets, and you saw the dollar rose when people were most concerned
about the future of the world," he said.
"That is a very important thing. It's not something you can count on.
It's something we can understand, and we can continue to foster, and
we're going to do that," Geithner added.
The administration has to be careful not to withdraw economic stimulus
too fast though, Geithner added. But he denied that the administration
was ready to consider a second economic stimulus program.
Geithner said access to credit in the overall economy has improved
dramatically but many small businesses that typically create many jobs
still face borrowing constraints. The Obama administration is
working on measures to help small businesses get easier access to
credit -- possibly by diverting some bank bailout funds to them -- but
hasn't yet announced a program to do so.
BANKING NEEDS TO CHANGE
Summers also argued for change to the banking system. After two
years of economic crisis and government rescue efforts, he said the
banks at the center of the credit debacle had a moral imperative to be
part of the solution.
"Financial institutions that have benefited from government support
can, should, and must use this moment to think about what they can do
for their country -- by accepting the necessary regulation to protect
the American people," Summers told an audience of financial market
participants. "Wall Street was no small part of the cause of the crisis
and Wall Street needs to be part of the solution."
Summers, chairman of the National Economic Council, suggested banks had
little choice in the matter.
"There is no financial institution that exists today that is not the
direct or indirect beneficiary of trillions of dollars of taxpayer
support," he said. "This has direct relevance on the changing nature of
the social compact between the financial sector and the broader
economy."
The Obama administration has been pressing for wide-ranging reforms in
U.S. financial regulations. It scored a victory on Thursday when a
House of Representatives' panel passed a bill to tighten regulation of
financial derivatives -- contracts derived from existing securities or
transactions that are blamed for amplifying the 2008 crisis. New,
tighter regulation doesn't mean, however, that financial firms will
never go bust again. In fact, Summers said that such firms must be able
to fail for market discipline to work. In addition to that,
though, profitability and prudence should be reconciled under any
framework of financial regulation.
"The financial system has to be safe for failure," said Summers.
Summers also said officials need to avoid prematurely withdrawing
measures meant to stimulate the economy after the worst recession in
decades, noting discussion of any "exit strategy" would be different on
Main Street than it would on Wall Street.
GDP Declines 1 Percent in 2Q,
Better
Than Expected
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
August 27, 2009
Filed at 10:01 a.m. ET
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The economy shrank at an annual rate of 1 percent in
the spring, a better-than-expected showing and more evidence that the
recession is drawing to a close.
Many analysts believe the economy is growing in the current quarter,
but they caution that any rebound will not be accompanied initially by
rising employment. Jobless claims figures released Thursday were better
than expected, but remain well above levels associated with a healthy
economy.
The Commerce Department's new estimate for the gross domestic product
was unchanged from the initial figure it released last month. The drop,
while representing a record fourth consecutive decline, was far smaller
than the previous two quarters. It also was stronger than the 1.5
percent decline that private economists expected.
The report Thursday found that businesses slashed their inventories
more than first reported and cut back more sharply on investment in new
plants and equipment. But those reductions were offset by revisions
that showed smaller dips in consumer spending, exports and housing
construction.
The 1 percent rate of decline in the April-June quarter followed
decreases of 6.4 percent in the first quarter and 5.4 percent in the
final three months of 2008, the sharpest back-to-back declines in a
half-century. The four straight quarterly declines in GDP, which
measures the country's total output of goods and services, mark the
first time that has occurred on government records that date to 1947.
The recession that began in December 2007 is the longest since World
War II, and the deepest in terms of the drop in the GDP, which is down
3.9 percent from its previous peak.
But economists are heartened that the decline slowed to 1 percent in
the spring. Many analysts think that the government's $787 billion
economic stimulus plan and the Cash for Clunkers program to boost car
purchases will lift GDP growth to around 2 percent in the current
July-September quarter.
However, the return to economic growth will not mean more jobs, at
least at first. Economists believe the unemployment rate, currently at
9.4 percent, will keep rising through the spring of next year.
The Labor Department said Thursday that first-time unemployment claims
fell to a seasonally-adjusted 570,000, from an upwardly revised 580,000
the previous week. The tally of those continuing to claim benefits
dropped to 6.13 million from 6.25 million, the lowest level since early
April. The weekly figures remain far above the roughly 325,000
that analysts say is consistent with a healthy economy. New claims last
fell below 300,000 in early 2007.
White House economic adviser Christina Romer said Tuesday the
unemployment rate is likely to keep rising and hit 10 percent this
year. That could discourage consumer spending and weaken any recovery.
The government makes three estimates of the economy's performance for
any given quarter. Each new GDP estimate is based on more complete
information. Economists had expected that the second look at GDP
for the spring would show the economy contracting at a 1.5 percent rate
because they believed companies had cut back more sharply on their
inventories.
While inventories were cut more than initially estimated, that weakness
was offset by upward revisions in other areas.
The government found that consumer spending, which accounts for about
70 percent of total economic activity, fell at an annual rate of 1
percent in second quarter, a slight improvement from the 1.2 percent
decline reported last month. Residential construction and exports also
were revised to show smaller declines.
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke said last week the economy
appeared to be ''leveling out,'' and was likely to begin growing again
soon. President Barack Obama appointed Bernanke to another 4-year term
Tuesday.
The Cash for Clunkers program, which provides consumers rebates of up
to $4,500 for turning in old gas-guzzlers for fuel-efficient cars, has
helped spur activity in the auto and related industries. The economy
also has been helped by stabilization in the housing sector, as sales
of new and existing homes have risen for four straight months.
White House forecasts 10-year deficit
of $9T
New Haven REGISTER
By Associated Press
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
WASHINGTON — In a chilling forecast, the White House is predicting a
10-year federal deficit of $9 trillion — more than the sum of all
previous deficits since America’s founding. And it says by the next
decade’s end the national debt will equal three-quarters of the entire
U.S. economy.
But before President Barack Obama can do much about it, he’ll have to
weather recession aftershocks including unemployment that his advisers
said Tuesday is still heading for 10 percent.
Overall, White House and congressional budget analysts said in a brace
of new estimates that the economy will shrink by 2.5 to 2.8 percent
this year even as it begins to climb out of the recession.
Those estimates reflect this year’s deeper-than-expected economic
plunge.
The grim deficit news presents Obama with both immediate and
longer-term challenges. The still fragile economy cannot afford
deficit-fighting cures such as spending cuts or tax increases. But
nervous holders of U.S. debt, particularly foreign bondholders, could
demand interest rate increases that would quickly be felt in the
pocketbooks of American consumers.
The White House Office of Management and Budget indicated that the
president will have to struggle to meet his vow of cutting the deficit
in half in 2013 — a promise that earlier budget projections suggested
he could accomplish with ease.
“This recession was simply worse than the information that we and other
forecasters had back in last fall and early this winter,” said Obama
economic adviser Christina Romer.
The deficit numbers also could complicate Obama’s drive to persuade
Congress to enact a major overhaul of the health care system — one that
could cost $1 trillion or more over 10 years. Obama has said he doesn’t
want the measure to add to the deficit, but lawmakers have been unable
to agree on revenues that would cover the cost. What’s more, the
high unemployment is expected to last well into the congressional
election campaign next year, turning the contests into a referendum on
Obama’s economic policies.
“The alarm bells on our nation’s fiscal condition have now become a
siren,” said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. “If
anyone had any doubts that this burden on future generations is
unsustainable, they’re gone — spending, borrowing and debt are out of
control.”
Even supporters of Obama’s economic policies said the long-term outlook
places the federal government on an unsustainable path that will force
the president and Congress to consider politically unpopular measures,
including tax increases and cuts in government programs.
“The numbers today portend the biggest budget fight we’ve probably had
in decades in the United States,” said Stan Collender, a former
congressional budget official.
The summer analyses by the White House budget office and by the
Congressional Budget Office reached similarly bleak conclusions. The
CBO’s 10-year deficit figure was smaller — $7 trillion — but that is
because it assumes that all tax cuts put into place in the
administration of former President George W. Bush will expire on
schedule by 2011. Obama’s budget baseline, however, hews to his
proposal to keep the tax cuts in place for families earning less than
$250,000 a year.
Both budget offices see the national debt — the accumulation of annual
budget deficits — as more than doubling over the next decade. The
public national debt, made up of amounts the government owes to the
public, including foreign governments, stood Tuesday at a staggering
$7.4 trillion. White House budget officials predicted it would reach
$17.5 trillion in 2019, or 76.5 percent of the gross domestic product.
That would be the highest proportion in six decades.

Not Jackson Hole (Bryce Canyon), but note that the rocks are pointing
up! Oops! Read story above on estimated deficit!
Fed Chairman Says
American Economy Is Poised to Grow
NYTIMES
By EDMUND L. ANDREWS
August 22, 2009
JACKSON HOLE, Wyo. — Ben S. Bernanke, the chairman of the Federal
Reserve, offered his most hopeful assessment in more than a year on
Friday, asserting that “the prospects for a return to growth in the
near term appear good.”
In a much-awaited speech here to central bankers and economists from
around the world, Mr. Bernanke went beyond the Fed’s most recent
assessment that the nation’s economy was “leveling out” and that the
recession was ending.
Noting that short-term lending markets are functioning “more normally,”
that corporate bond issuance is strong and that other “previously
moribund” securitization markets are reviving, Mr. Bernanke said that
both the United States and other major countries were poised for growth.
In emphasizing not just the imminent end of the recession — the worst
since at least the early 1980s if not since the Great Depression — but
also the “good” chances of actual growth, Mr. Bernanke’s assessment was
in some ways surprising.
Despite encouraging signs on many fronts, American retailers have
reported unexpectedly weak sales in the last week — a sign that that
consumer spending could drag down economic growth in the months ahead.
And on Thursday, the Labor Department reported that new unemployment
claims jumped again.
The Fed chairman’s added hopefulness may have reflected the
unexpectedly good news from other parts of the world: Germany and Japan
both reported positive economic growth this week, an unexpected rebound
from their own recessions.
The Fed chairman cautioned that problems remained, and warned that
regulators would have to impose much tougher capital requirements on
major financial institutions to ensure that they can better withstand
the kind of cash crunch that crippled the global financial system last
fall.
“Strains persist in many financial markets across the globe,” Mr.
Bernanke said, speaking at the Fed’s annual symposium at this resort in
the Grand Tetons. “Financial institutions face significant additional
losses, and many businesses and households continue to experience
considerable difficulty gaining access to credit.”
Repeating the caution that Fed officials and most private forecasters
have expressed in recent weeks, Mr. Bernanke predicted that the
economic recovery “is likely to be relatively slow at first, with
unemployment declining only gradually from high levels.”

CIT provides funding for small and medium-sized firms
CIT shares rise as
company emerges from bankruptcy
YAHOO
December 10, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) – CIT Group Inc's new shares rose as much as 6
percent from opening levels in their debut on the New York Stock
Exchange on Thursday as the lender to small businesses emerged from one
of the largest bankruptcies in U.S. history.
CIT, one of the biggest financial sector victims of the credit crisis,
is also the only major firm in the sector to emerge from bankruptcy.
Others, such as Lehman Brothers, Washington Mutual and IndyMac have
been unable to continue on their own.
But the comeback may not be easy.
"In the space they are working, it is a tough time trying to secure
customers for a company that has gone bankrupt," said Robert Lutts,
president and chief investment officer at Cabot Money Management.
"Today, executives making decisions in the financial area are making
very low-risk decisions," Lutts said. "That means don't work with the
problem childs of the world, and I think that is going to mean a tough
sledding for CIT."
Hundreds of thousands of small and mid-sized businesses depend on CIT
for financing, and company lawyers had said the company needed to get
through bankruptcy quickly to avoid customer defections.
CIT's new stock was up 4.20 percent at $28.14 in mid-morning trading
after opening at $27.00. The stock rose as much as 6 percent to $28.63.
The more than 100-year-old lender filed for bankruptcy last month after
a debt exchange offer failed.
Earlier this week, it won approval from a New York bankruptcy judge for
a prepackaged reorganization plan.
CIT's reorganization plan will reduce its debt by about $10.5 billion
to about $55 billion and defer significant debt obligations for three
years.
Under the plan, holders of CIT's unsecured debt will receive new notes
representing 70 cents on the dollar of original debt, plus new common
stock.
The company had won support from bondholders for the plan substantially
in excess of the minimum amount required under U.S. bankruptcy law.
Common and preferred stockholders, including the U.S. government,
will be wiped out.
CIT bankruptcy reassigned
after recusal
YAHOO
November 2, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) – CIT Group Inc's bankruptcy case was reassigned on
Monday to U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Allan Gropper following the recusal of
Judge Robert Gerber, who had been assigned the case hours earlier.
A courtroom deputy for Gropper said Gerber recused himself from the
case. The deputy did not give a reason for the recusal. Gerber's
chambers had no immediate comment.
CIT, a source of financing to about one million small and mid-sized
businesses, filed for Chapter 11 protection from creditors on Sunday
after gathering support from most of its bondholders for its
"prepackaged" reorganization.
The bankruptcy filing, one of the five largest in U.S. history,
followed a failed debt exchange offer.
CIT said it hopes to emerge from bankruptcy by the end of the year and
reduce its debt by $10 billion. The New York-based company intends to
keep lending, and a quick reorganization is crucial if it expects to
retain most customers.
Gropper has been a bankruptcy judge since 2000. His cases have included
the reorganization of Northwest Airlines Corp, which later merged with
Delta Air Lines Inc, and the current proceedings for the giant mall
owner General Growth Properties Inc.
Before joining the bench, Gropper was a partner at White & Case,
where he was involved in many of the largest U.S. bankruptcies,
including Federated Department Stores and Texaco. He has degrees from
Yale University and Harvard Law School.
According to its bankruptcy petition, CIT had $71 billion of assets and
$64.9 billion of liabilities on June 30.
In morning trading, CIT shares fell 44 cents, or 61 percent, to 28
cents. The New York Stock Exchange said it would suspend trading in CIT
prior to Tuesday's market open.
The case is In re CIT Group Inc, US Bankruptcy Court, Southern District
of New York, Case No. 09-16565
CIT
Group files for US bankruptcy
I-BBC - Page last updated at 22:06
GMT, Sunday, 1 November 2009
The US lender, CIT Group, has filed for
bankruptcy protection, after a debt-exchange offer to bondholders
failed.
However,
the majority of bondholders have agreed a reorganisation plan that will
reduce CIT's debt by $10bn (£6bn) while allowing it to go on
operating.
The group's operating subsidiaries, including CIT Bank, were
not included in the bankruptcy filing in New York.
CIT Group suffered as the credit crisis left it unable to
fund itself, and the recession exposed it to many bad loans.
Under the reorganisation plan which has been approved by
bondholders, creditors will end up owning the company.
Most bondholders will also end up with new CIT debt worth
about 70%
of the face value of their old debt. Preferred shareholders, including
the US government, will get money only after other creditors are paid
back.
The government invested $2.33bn in CIT shares in December
2008 through the Troubled Asset Relief Programme (Tarp). It could have
lost more, however, had it not declined to give more aid this year.
"The
decision to proceed with our plan of reorganisation will allow CIT to
continue to provide funding to our small business and middle market
customers, two sectors that remain vitally important to the US
economy," said CIT's chairman and CEO, Jeffrey Peek, who will step down
by the end of the year.
CIT's bankruptcy protection filing,
showing $71bn in finance and leasing assets against total debt of
$64.9bn, is the fifth biggest in US corporate history.
Many
observers predict that if CIT is able to continue in business after
emerging from bankruptcy protection, it will not be able to make
anything like the same number of loans to small businesses.
That
could mean that thousands of companies which are looking to raise money
for investment will struggle to find the cash, the warn.
CIT
Group files for prepackaged bankruptcy
YAHOO
November 1, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) – CIT Group Inc, a century-old commercial lender,
filed for bankruptcy on Sunday, as the global credit crisis left it
unable to fund itself and the recession left it with too many bad loans.
CIT's creditors have already approved its reorganization plan. Analysts
have said that getting through bankruptcy is crucial for CIT if it
wishes to keep its customers, which include Dunkin' Donuts franchisees
and film production company Dark Castle Entertainment.
CIT's operating subsidiaries, including CIT Bank, are not included in
the bankruptcy filing, and expect to continue operating, the company
said in a statement.
CIT, which filed for bankruptcy protection in the Southern District of
New York, plans to reduce its total debt by about $10 billion in
bankruptcy.
Under the bankruptcy plan approved by bondholders, creditors will end
up owning the company. Most bondholders will also end up with new CIT
debt worth about 70 percent of the face value of their old debt.
Preferred shareholders, including the U.S. government, will get money
only after other creditors are paid back. Current common shareholders
will receive nothing.
The U.S. government invested $2.33 billion in CIT preferred shares in
December 2008 through the Troubled Asset Relief Program.
CIT financed itself mainly by borrowing from bond markets, which has
proven to be a flawed strategy as the credit crunch that began in 2007
has made it much more expensive for troubled companies to fund
themselves.
CIT near plan to turn over company to
bondholders: sources
YAHOO
By Paritosh Bansal and Walden Siew
Wed Sep 30, 1:38 am ET
NEW YORK (Reuters) – CIT Group Inc (CIT.N) is nearing a plan that
likely would hand the commercial lender over to its bondholders,
sources familiar with the matter said on Tuesday.
CIT was preparing an exchange offer that would eliminate up to 40
percent of its more than $30 billion in outstanding debt, said the
sources, who did not wish to be identified because they were not
authorized to make public comments about the deal.
The plan would offer bondholders new debt secured by CIT assets, as
well as nearly all of the equity in a restructured company, one source
said.
If not enough bondholders agreed to the plan, the company could seek to
restructure in bankruptcy court, the source said. This would result in
one of the largest Chapter 11 bankruptcy-court filings in U.S. history.
A second source said that while some bondholders supported the plan, a
majority was not yet on board.
CIT's board has yet to approve any course of action, the first source
said.
CIT spokesman Curt Ritter declined to comment.
Although CIT received $2.3 billion in December under the Troubled Asset
Relief Program (TARP), federal regulators this year declined further
requests by CIT for funds.
U.S. taxpayers are likely to see much of their investment wiped out
under a bankruptcy, but not under a successful exchange offer, the
first source said, adding that U.S. regulators had been frequently
briefed on the developments of the plan.
The lender to small and medium-sized businesses, as well as to
commercial real estate borrowers, has until October 1 to present a
restructuring plan to lenders.
CIT Group Wraps Debt Purchase,
Dodges Bankruptcy
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 9:52 a.m. ET
August 17, 2009
NEW YORK (AP) -- Commercial lender CIT Group Inc. said Monday its offer
to repurchase outstanding debt at a discount -- a crucial step to help
stave off bankruptcy -- was successful.
The embattled New York-based lender offered to buy $1 billion in debt
that was set to mature Monday. CIT warned that if not enough
bondholders were willing to sell the debt back to the company, it would
likely have to file for bankruptcy protection.
The company said nearly 60 percent of the debt was tendered for
purchase, barely topping the 58 percent minimum needed to complete the
offer. CIT is paying $875 for every $1,000 tendered as part of the
offer.
CIT will pay off the remaining notes that matured Monday but were not
tendered for purchase as part of the offer.
''The completion of this tender offer is another important milestone as
the company continues to make progress on the development and execution
of a comprehensive restructuring plan,'' CIT Group said in a statement.
At the same time that CIT received $3 billion in emergency funding last
month from its largest bondholders, it launched the offer to buy back
outstanding debt in an effort to ease a cash crunch that nearly forced
it out of business. CIT turned to and received funding from its
bondholders only after negotiations for a government-led bailout failed.
Some experts feared that if CIT collapsed it would deal a crippling
blow to an economy still bleeding hundreds of thousands of jobs a month
despite a nearly $800 billion federal stimulus program.
The retail sector would be hit especially hard. CIT serves as
short-term financier to about 2,000 vendors that supply merchandise to
300,000 stores, according to the National Retail Federation. Analysts
say 60 percent of the apparel industry depends on CIT for financing.
It could continue to struggle with liquidity issues as more debt is due
to mature next year.
Last week, CIT reached an agreement with the Federal Reserve Bank of
New York that puts the company under the oversight of federal
regulators. The agreement requires CIT to submit a plan for how it will
maintain sufficient cash. It must also provide budgets through the end
of 2010 that include details about how the company will meet current
and future capital requirements.
Shares of CIT fell 11 cents, or 7.8 percent, to $1.30 shortly after
Monday's market open.
CIT Delays
Report, Could Have to File For Bankruptcy
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 7:50 a.m. ET
August 11, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Troubled lender CIT Group Inc <CIT.N> said
on Tuesday it has delayed filing its second-quarter report with
regulators and said if it could not complete its debt tender or arrange
other financing, it would file for bankruptcy.
CIT is still reviewing assets and businesses that it may sell as well
as the related valuation adjustments that must be included in the
quarterly report, it said in a filing with the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission.
New York-based CIT, which last month secured $3 billion in emergency
funding from bondholders, has been battling to restructure its debt and
avoid bankruptcy.
The company has launched a tender offer for its outstanding $1 billion
floating-rate notes due August 17. In a filing on Tuesday, it said if
this offer were successful, it would use the proceeds from its
emergency funding to complete the tender and make the payment on the
August 17 notes.
The 101-year-old lender had already postponed its results, originally
expected on July 23, while arranging the emergency funding. It said
last month it expected a second-quarter loss of more than $1.5 billion.
Shares in the company slipped slightly to $1.46 in premarket trading,
down from $1.48 on Monday.
More
on CIT here...in a NYTIMES editorial.
R.I.P., CIT?
NYTIMES
Floyd Norris, Notions on High and Low Finance
July 13, 2009, 6:15 pm
There is widespread speculation that the CIT Group, one of the largest
loan companies serving smaller businesses, could be forced into
bankruptcy soon. CIT became a bank, like everyone else, but it appears
that at least some people in the government view it as too unimportant
to save.
CIT is mounting a campaign claiming it is important, and could yet
succeed. Either way, the need for the government to make such a
decision demonstrates how far the financial system is from being fixed.
The company’s most recent 10-Q sets out its problem:
The Company’s business has been historically
dependent upon access to the debt capital markets for liquidity and
efficient funding, including the ability to issue unsecured term debt.
It can no longer issue such debt. In June, Standard & Poor’s and
Fitch cut the company’s bond rating to junk, and Moody’s followed this
week. It seems possible that the company will not last a full month
after it stopped being investment grade at all the rating agencies, and
perhaps not a week after it lost its last such rating. That sounds like
a commentary on the tardiness of the rating agencies, or the perils of
an industry so dependent on friendly credit markets.
That quarterly report said it would need to raise $10 billion by March
of next year, but now had access to just $6.4 billion — unless the
government came through with another bailout.
CIT is trying to shrink — by issuing few new loans — and to issue
secured credit. In other words, even if it does survive, it has no
plans to be much help to its customers.
If CIT does go under, the $2.3 billion it got from the TARP program
will have done no one any good.
Despite the slight opening of financial markets since the winter panic
eased, this country does not have a decently functioning financial
system. It is the Federal Reserve and the Treasury that decide which
financial companies stay in business, which is something you expect
from a centrally planned socialist economy, not from the great bastion
of the free enterprise system.
Many of the better-off banks were able to repay the TARP money to the
government, but they remain dependent on F.D.I.C.-guaranteed loans. CIT
would be O.K., at least in the short term, if it could get such loans.
There has been a lot of hand-wringing over the failure of the Obama
stimulus plan to get the economy moving, but where attention is really
needed is the failure to get the financial system going. That was never
going to be easy, but the worst possible decision was to allow the
banks to fudge their financial statements. The Obama administration did
not lift a finger to prevent Congress from demanding such a move, which
the Financial Accounting Standards Board made under duress.
It is not easy to be sure how much difference that made in financial
statements, although it clearly allowed some banks to pretend their
losses were less than they really were — at least as measured by market
values. The banks claim those market values are ridiculously low, but
they will not divulge exactly what assets they own, or where they value
them.
We are back to a situation where no one knows which balance sheet can
be trusted. In that climate, the easiest decision is to trust no one —
or at least no one without a credit line backed by Uncle Sam. Citi is
too important to fail, but CIT may not be.
What has been needed for a long time is a way to figure out how much
toxic assets are worth, and to get them off bank balance sheets and
into the hands of speculators with secure funding. Then the financial
institutions, with solid capital and believable balance sheets, could
go back to lending, both to the public and to each other. It is tragic
that has not happened.
26 years ago=1983...interest rates were in double-digits...
467,000 Jobs Lost in June, Far More Than Expected
NYTIMES
By JACK HEALY
July
3, 2009
The
pace of job losses quickened in June after falling sharply just a month
earlier, casting a shadow over the Obama administration’s attempts to
stanch months of stark declines in the labor market.
The American economy shed 467,000 jobs last month, and the unemployment
rate rose to 9.5 percent, its highest level in 26 years, the Labor
Department reported on Thursday. Job losses were widespread among the
construction, manufacturing and business and professional services
sectors.
Economists had expected 365,000 job losses for the month, and predicted
unemployment would reach 9.6 percent.
The latest figures highlight a somber new reality for workers,
economists said. As the recession enters its 20th month, private wages
and salaries are falling, working hours are dwindling and more people
are without work. In essence, economists say, months of deep, broad job
losses are effectively making unemployment a way of life for millions.
The number of people who have been unemployed for more than 27 weeks
has more than tripled since the recession began, to 4 million. The
median time people go without a job has increased to nearly four
months, from slightly more than two months at the outset of the
recession in December 2007.
“We have never seen a duration of that magnitude,” Lynn Reaser, vice
president for the National Association for Business Economics, said.
“There are a lot of ramifications. A lot of these people become
discouraged, and they drop out of the work force. It affects their
spending, their whole psychological frame of mind.”
In the Brownsville section of Brooklyn, Jeffrey Jones, 40, is feeling
the weight of eight months without work. He has not found anything
since losing his job as a cook at a senior center in October, and he
worries about paying rent and caring for his four children. His blood
pressure is up, and some nights he stays up and watches television to
distract himself from the worries that keep him from sleeping.
“I know I’m not supposed to be letting it stress me out,” he said. “The
way I’m going now, I won’t be able to make it too much longer. I can’t
go this long without doing something for my family.”
While the economy is no longer losing jobs at a pace of 600,000 each
month, businesses are still cutting positions and imposing pay cuts and
hiring freezes as the economy continues to contract. Consumers are
saving 6.9 percent of their disposable income, and spending remains
sluggish.
Even the White House has lowered its expectations for the job market,
and now says that unemployment will hit 10 percent. Many economists say
that job losses and unemployment will continue rising even after the
economy begins growing again.
“I don’t see any job growth outside of health, education and government
spending through the end of the year,” said John E. Silvia, chief
economist at Wachovia Corporation.” As more people hunt futilely for
jobs or give up their searches altogether, they burn through their
savings, fall behind on bills and mortgages, and eventually add to the
strains on already strapped aid programs, from government unemployment
insurance to private food pantries.
“There are going to be massive, massive numbers of people who are out
of work for long periods of time,” said Andrew Stettner, deputy
director for the National Employment Law Project. “It’s one of the most
important aspects of where the economy is right now.”
Although the number of people filing for unemployment insurance has
leveled off recently, more workers are falling back on safety nets
intended for the most troubled workers. More than 2.7 million people
received emergency or extended unemployment benefits in the first week
of June — the most recent period for which data was available —
compared with 2 million at the beginning of the year.
As months pass without a job offer, people cut back where they can,
turning off the cable, canceling vacations and shift their shopping
habits to lower priced retailers.
Some people give up looking for jobs and join the 800,000 discouraged
workers.
Others, like Domminique Werdlow, 37, of Houston, keep sending out
résumés and sifting through online job boards. Since she
lost her job as a customer-service trainer at Waste Management in
January, Ms. Werdlow said her car has been possessed and that she now
lives unemployment check to unemployment check.
“It’s not getting any better,” she said. “I really try to stay
positive. If I really start looking at it, I’d be very depressed.”
Judge denies GM retirees' request for
committee
DAY
By BREE FOWLER, AP Auto Writer
Posted on Jun 25, 2:34 PM EDT
NEW YORK (AP) -- A bankruptcy judge on Thursday ruled that a group
representing General Motors Corp.'s salaried retirees cannot form a
formal committee to negotiate with the automaker as it attempts to
reorganize and emerge from Chapter 11 as a new company.
U.S. Judge Robert Gerber said that since GM had the right to modify or
terminate the retirees' health care and life insurance benefits before
they filed for bankruptcy protection, the retirees can't challenge the
automaker's ability to do so now.
"While I do understand the importance of this to the retirees, I can't
grant the retirees rights that they don't have outside of bankruptcy,"
Gerber said in issuing his ruling.
As part of its restructuring plan, GM plans to continue to pay health
care and life insurance benefits for its 122,000 salaried retirees and
their surviving spouses, but those benefits are expected to be reduced
and the retirees will be forced to shoulder a larger share of their
health care costs.
Retired hourly workers whose benefits are dictated by contracts with
unions like the United Auto Workers are not affected.
Neil Goteiner, an attorney for the salaried retirees group, said that
given what's at stake for the retirees, the cost of a committee was
warranted.
"Your honor, this is truly a situation where you're dealing with widows
and orphans," Goteiner said. "It's grossly unfair. They should get a
chance to sit down and at least be the assistant captain of their fate."
But GM attorney Harvey Miller argued that the retirees shouldn't be
able to form a committee since GM has always had the right to modify
salaried retiree benefits and has done so in the past.
"There can still be discussions with GM and there is a group that
periodically has had discussions with GM," Miller said. "This would
simply add more costs."
Miller added that the formation of a committee could threaten to slow
down the sale of GM's assets to a new company. The sale needs to go
through as soon as possible if the company is to have any chance of
success, he said. As part of its plan to emerge from court
protection, GM plans to sell the bulk of its assets to a new company
that would be controlled by the U.S. government. In exchange for
up to $50 billion dollars in financing, the U.S. government will take a
60 percent ownership stake in the new company. The Canadian government
would get 12.5 percent.
The United Auto Workers union will get 17.5 percent, which it will use
to fund its retiree health care obligations, while GM's unsecured
bondholders would own the remaining 10 percent.
Earlier in Thursday's hearing, Gerber gave GM final approval to access
to its full $33.3 billion in bankruptcy financing. He had given
preliminary approval earlier this month for GM to use $15 billion of
the total. The billions in U.S. and Canadian government financing
is intended to keep the automaker going until it can emerge from
Chapter 11.
Also on Thursday, Gerber denied a request from an unofficial committee
of people with asbestos-related claims against GM to appoint a "tort
czar" that would oversee all future claims against the old GM, not just
those related to asbestos. The asbestos group had previously
filed a motion requesting formal committee status, but told the court
Thursday that it was no longer pursuing that. The group has one
representative on the case's unsecured creditors committee.

A pun on "mercy me" perchance? Or is that "crikey" across the
pond?
Goldman: Recession? What recession?
I-BBC
Robert Peston | 14:33 PM, Tuesday, 14 July 2009
I'm in a horrible rush, so have to keep my remarks on Goldman Sachs'
second quarter results brief.
I could say "crikey" and leave it at that.
But I will translate. Just a few months after Wall Street and the City
of London were in meltdown, Goldman has reported record net revenues
for a three-month period of $13.8bn, which is a breathtaking 47% higher
than those generated in the preceding three months and in the
equivalent period of last year.
It's boom time again, especially in the trading of credit and
currencies. And oh how Goldman's 29,400 staff have been rewarded.
Compensation for the three months was a handsome $6.65bn or $226,000
per employee. That brings remuneration per employee for the first
half
of the year to a none-too-cheap $384,000. And we're only halfway
through the year.
The media and political reaction to Goldman's bounceback will be
fascinating to observe. It's true that the investment bank has
consistently performed better than most of its rivals. But when
that
cataclysmic storm broke over the financial system last autumn, Goldman
- like the rest - had to turn to taxpayers for a crutch in the form of
guarantees for its debt, access to central-bank liquidity and capital.
It has recently declared that it can stand on its own feet again
without taxpayers to lean on.
But some may well ask whether taxpayers shouldn't have demanded a bit
more for their succour, given that Goldman is once again the world's
pre-eminent money-making machine.
Goldman's Cohen Sees Inflation
At Bay
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 11:40 a.m. ET
June 15, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - One of Wall Street's most influential strategists
said on Monday the U.S. Federal Reserve is unlikely to ratchet back
efforts to stimulate the economy soon, and that it was too early to
worry about inflation choking off what would likely be a fitful
recovery.
Abby Joseph Cohen, senior investment strategist at Goldman Sachs Group
Inc <GS.N>, said the U.S. central bank "would like to do as
little as possible for as long as possible" to let the economy regain
its footing, and allow businesses to rebuild inventories and invest
more.
Inflation fears are "spectacularly premature" in light of rising
unemployment and excess supply, Cohen said at the Reuters Investment
Outlook Summit in New York.
"We just don't see that inflation is going to rear its ugly head any
time soon. That doesn't mean we won't see some rebound in some prices,"
including in commodities, she said.
Cohen predicted a "dramatic surge" in U.S. corporate profits in the
third quarter and especially the fourth quarter from depressed
year-earlier levels.
She expects a slow economic recovery, with annualized growth in gross
domestic product of just 1 percent from July to December, in part
because consumers are saving more and providing less of a "spunk" to
activity.
Cohen is well known for correctly forecasting a bullish run for U.S.
stocks during the 1990s.
PRAISE FOR OBAMA
Having pushed benchmark interest rates to near zero, the Fed and the
Treasury Department have tried to stimulate economic activity in other
ways.
The central bank, for example, is aggressively buying mortgage
securities and other debt to add liquidity. Meanwhile, the Treasury has
pumped hundreds of billions of dollars to prop up banks and insurers.
"I don't see anything happening in the short run" to reduce the
stimulus, Cohen said. "These were intended to be transitional. (Until
policymakers) see that markets are moving normally, and the economy is
behaving normally, they're going to be reluctant to reverse what they
have done."
Cohen added, though: "We have to be very careful in terms of defining
what 'normal' is."
The strategist praised early efforts by the Obama administration to
stimulate the economy, including a focus on energy efficiency, and
trying to bolster the U.S. middle class, which has "fallen behind over
the last decade.
"They have been faced by a series of extraordinary problems, and in
general I think they have gone about it in a very good way," she said.
Cohen also praised Ben Bernanke, whose term as Fed chairman ends next
January.
"History is likely to show that he was an extraordinarily effective Fed
chairman," she said. "Financial markets have stabilized, and the
economy appears to be moving toward a stable position."
Six Flags Files for Bankruptcy
NYTIMES
June 13, 2009, 11:26 am
Six Flags, the big theme park operator, filed for bankruptcy in early
Saturday morning in Delaware after failing to reach an agreement with
lenders over a plan to reorganize its debt outside of court.
Six Flags became only the latest company to prove unable to cope with
its debt load at a time when previous solutions like refinancings are
largely unavailable. The theme park operator, which had $2.4 billion in
debt, faced nearly $300 million in payments to preferred stockholders
due in August.
But the company is hoping to make its ride through bankruptcy a short
one. In a statement, Six Flags said that it is seeking court approval
for a pre-negotiated restructuring plan, one that has the unanimous
approval of its lenders. That proposal would eliminate $1.8 billion in
debt and slice off the $300 million in preferred stock payments.
“The current management team inherited a $2.4 billion debt load that
cannot be sustained, particularly in these challenging financial
markets,” Mark Shapiro, Six Flags’s chief executive, said in a
statement. “As a result, we are cleaning up the past and positioning
the Company for future growth.”
In its bankruptcy filing, Six Flags said that 37 of its subsidiaries,
including parks like Great Adventure and Hurricane Harbor, had also
sought court protection. The parks will continue to operate normally,
but analysts have questioned whether attendance would fall off as some
consumers shun waiting in line for roller coasters at a bankrupt theme
park operator.
The filing is a blow to Dan Snyder, the owner of the Washington
Redskins, who took control of Six Flags in 2005 after waging a proxy
fight and holds about a 6 percent stake in the company. Mr. Snyder
sought to turn around the company, installing a new management team led
by Mr. Shapiro, and selling off underperforming parks.
He sought to clean up the remaining parks by banning smoking,
increasing security and having more costumed characters like Tweety to
roam around.
Other major investors in Six Flags include Bill Gates’s Cascade
Investment, which held an 11.1 percent stake, and the hedge fund
Renaissance Technologies, with a 5.5 percent stake.
Six Flags said in its statement that the filing comes despite a good
2008, in which the company cut its net loss to $135 million from $275
million a year ago. Its net loss for the first three months of 2009
narrowed nearly 7 percent from the same time in 2008, to $146.3
million.
But the company saw a 24 percent drop in revenue over the same period,
as it suffered from lower attendance and spending at its parks.
Because the credit markets remain largely frozen for troubled
companies, Six Flags was unable to refinance its massive debt load. The
moribund real estate market also precluded the company from selling off
property, like unused land in Maryland and New Jersey, to raise
additional cash.
Six Flags’s primary advisers are the investment bank Houlihan Lokey
Howard & Zukin and the law firm Paul Hastings Janofsky and Walker.
NYTIMES "Pay at the
Top" interactive...
Talking Business: Geithner’s
Plan on Pay Falls Short
NYTIMES
By JOE NOCERA
June 13, 2009
It was another one of those Timothy Geithner moments.
On Wednesday, the Treasury secretary held a roundtable discussion with
a group of about 20 government officials and outside experts; the
subject was executive compensation. Kenneth R. Feinberg, the Treasury
Department’s new “comp czar,” was there, as was Mary Schapiro, the new
chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission; Daniel K. Tarullo,
the newest Federal Reserve governor; and Lucien Bebchuk, the Harvard
Law School professor who has turned his academic interest in executive
compensation into a crusade.
It was, I heard later, a terrific meeting — a spirited, high-level
give-and-take about what the government could do to better align the
interests of shareholders with that of top executives, to ensure pay
was linked to performance and to rid the system of the kind of
compensation incentives that caused so much excessive risk-taking and
helped bring about the financial crisis.
“The discussion was surprisingly substantive,” said Nell Minow, the
co-founder of the Corporate Library. “Geithner was very engaged in the
discussion and genuinely interested in what everyone had to say.”
When the meeting ended, the doors were flung open and the media was
invited in. Looking sternly into the cameras, Mr. Geithner read a
statement in which he described executive compensation as a
“contributing factor” to the crisis. Then he outlined a series of
tough-sounding principles, including a “re-examination” of such
egregious practices as golden parachutes, a need to align compensation
practices with “sound risk management” and the importance of having
compensation plans that “properly measure and reward performance.”
But then, as he so often does, he proceeded to follow these tough words
with actual proposals that were less than inspiring. The only
legislation his department planned to propose — indeed, the only
legislation he deemed necessary — were bills that called for
compensation committees to be made up of independent directors, along
with “say-on-pay” legislation, which would give shareholders the right
to vote on a company’s pay plan. That vote, however, would not be
binding.
“Finally,” he said, “I want to be clear on what we are not doing. We
are not capping pay. We are not setting forth precise prescriptions for
how companies should set compensation, which can often be
counterproductive. Instead, we will continue to work to develop
standards that reward innovation and prudent risk-taking, without
creating misaligned incentives.”
Later that afternoon, I called Ira Kay, who heads the executive
compensation practice at Watson Wyatt & Company, to ask him what he
thought of the government’s proposals. “I was relieved,” said Mr. Kay.
I’ll bet he was.
•
Until the financial crisis, most people, myself included, did not make
distinctions between different kinds of companies when it came to
executive compensation. It was just one big problem, revolving
primarily around the idea that there was something fundamentally wrong
about executives taking home giant, multimillion dollar pay packages
for mediocre performance or even outright failure — something, alas,
that happens with annoying regularity in corporate America.
But if the near collapse of the financial system has taught us
anything, it is that there should be a distinction. On the one hand,
there are companies whose executives can make awful mistakes, even
driving their corporations into bankruptcy, but whose actions have
little or no effect on the rest of us. Most companies fall under this
category.
And then there are those handful of companies — the too-big-to-fail
banks and other large financial institutions that pose systemic risk —
whose failure can wreak devastating havoc on the economy. For these
latter companies, getting compensation right isn’t just a matter of
fairness or improved corporate governance. It turns out to be
critically important if we are to prevent a repeat of the calamity that
has befallen us. But as difficult as it has been to overhaul executive
compensation overall, it is going to be even more difficult to take the
tougher measures that need to be taken with the banking system.
Let’s look first at the broader issue. In truth, for the first time in
my memory, I think there is a decent chance that the compensation games
will come to an end — though it won’t be by doing anything so radical
as trying to cap pay, something that simply doesn’t work. (Mr. Geithner
was right about that.)
Instead, it will be because boards have come under renewed pressure,
thanks to the financial crisis, to control executive pay. It is also
because, with the Democrats in charge, the issue is high on the agenda.
(On Thursday, the House Financial Services Committee held a hearing on
executive compensation.) Mr. Geithner’s two proposals will most likely
breeze into law — and will certainly make a difference on the margins.
Most important, though, it is because the re-energized S.E.C., under
Ms. Schapiro, is preparing a handful of new rules that will force
companies to do a great deal more to spell out their compensation
rationales, while making it easier for shareholders to express their
displeasure if they feel boards have been too generous. In particular,
the S.E.C. has begun laying the groundwork for a rule that will make it
easier for shareholders to nominate directors — something that is
tremendously difficult right now. Ms. Minow is among those who believe
that the ability to replace incumbent directors is likely to have the
biggest effect in reforming executive pay.
That’s the good news. The bad news is that for the banks, these
measures won’t be enough. Banks, as we all now know, are different.
Their deposits are insured by the government. When they run into
problems, they have access to the Federal Reserve’s discount window.
The government has a keen interest in the “safety and soundness” of
banks, which is why they are so heavily regulated. Even in good times,
taxpayers are at risk if a bank’s management makes too many risky bets.
In bad times, excessive risk-taking by bankers can bring down an
economy.
With the big banks, there is always a degree of moral hazard because
they simply can’t be allowed to fail the way other companies can.
Market discipline — or better corporate governance — just isn’t enough;
even when a bank’s management is aligned with shareholders, they aren’t
necessarily aligned with taxpayers. So it falls on the government to
find ways to change the compensation incentives that encouraged the
kind of crazy risk-taking that got us into so much trouble.
That is why, in his statement, Mr. Geithner stressed the importance of
coming up with a compensation system that accounted for risk — he was
speaking directly to the need to change the compensation system at
banks. But none of his proposed solutions dealt with that problem.
Neither he, nor anyone else in government, has yet figured out what to
do about it.
Most of the ideas so far have been aimed at forcing bankers to have
their bonuses paid in restricted stock that they could not cash in for
years — until it was clear that the profits they had generated were not
illusory. But to my mind, the problem really goes much deeper than
that.
For one thing, the culture of bankers and traders, unlike at most
nonbanks, rests on an “eat what you kill” mentality. That is why so
many executives at, say, Merrill Lynch, felt justified in demanding big
bonuses despite the firm’s huge losses. After all, they had made money
on their trades — so why should they be punished because others had
lost money for the firm?
For another thing, compensation at banks needs to be changed not just
at the top, but also deep in the ranks, at the level of individual
trader — or, indeed, anybody else who can put the firm’s capital at
risk. This also makes it more difficult, because you can’t fix the
problem with better corporate governance at the top. The changes have
to be more systemic than that.
There is a third problem: once banks and investment banks were allowed
to tear down walls between them, banking became a greedy profession.
Look at all those banks panting to give back their bailout billions —
in large part because they don’t want to have to deal with the
executive compensation restrictions. And unlike other companies, where
people glow with pride at the introduction of a new product, the key
moment in the life of a banker is when he finds out what his bonus is
for the year. None of this will be easy to change.
In his statement, Mr. Geithner stressed that the Federal Reserve was
working on this problem as part of its job supervising banks. I got the
strong sense this week that the Fed now views bank compensation as
something it will begin to look at much more closely — and will
eventually start regulating. The foolish and counterproductive
distinction between banks that still have bailout money (which have
onerous compensation rules) and those that gave it back (and thus have
no rules) will go away, as it should. All banks pose risks to
taxpayers, whether they still have bailout money or not. And all banks
should have the same set of compensation rules.
There is another potential source of new ideas, though: Mr. Feinberg. A
large part of his new job will be to determine the compensation for the
most highly paid executives at the seven companies, including General
Motors, Citigroup and American International Group, that have received
the most government aid. But another part of his task, he told me this
week, is to devise a compensation structure for all management ranks of
those companies, not just the biggest earners.
Mr. Feinberg is, above all else, a practical man who likes solving
problems, and he seemed to relish this latter aspect of his new role.
“If this job has any long-term impact,” he said, “maybe we can come up
with something that can serve as a model.”
Surely somebody needs to — and soon.
A $1.33
Trillion Drop in Net Worth in First Quarter
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
June
12, 2009
WASHINGTON (AP) — American
households lost $1.33 trillion of their wealth in the first three
months as the recession took a bite out of stock portfolios and dragged
down home prices.
The Federal Reserve reported
Thursday that household net worth fell to $50.38 trillion in the
January-March quarter, the lowest level since the third quarter of
2004. The first-quarter figure marked a decline of 2.6 percent, or
$1.33 trillion, from the final quarter of 2008.
Net worth represents total assets
like homes and checking accounts, minus liabilities like mortgages and
credit card debt.
The damage to wealth in the first
quarter came from the sinking stock market. The value of Americans’
stock holdings dropped 5.8 percent from the final quarter of last year.
Another hit came from falling house
prices. The value of household real-estate holdings fell 2.4 percent.
Collectively, homeowners had 41.4 percent equity in their homes in the
first quarter. That was down from 42.9 percent in the fourth quarter.
The latest snapshot of Americans’
balance sheets was contained in the Fed’s quarterly report called the
flow of funds.
Despite the drop, the speed at which
net worth shrunk slowed to start the year. During the recession’s
deepest point in the October-December period, Americans’ net worth fell
8.6 percent, according to revised figures.
With wealth declining and
unemployment rising, there are questions about how consumers — the
lifeblood of the economy — will behave in the coming months.
If they continue to spend, even at a
subdued pace, the recession probably will end this year as predicted by
the Fed chairman, Ben S. Bernanke, and other economists. However, if
consumers hunker down and cut spending again, that could delay any
recovery. In the fourth quarter, Americans slashed spending at an
annualized rate of 4.3 percent, the most in 28 years.
Beyond Outrage, Wall Street Payouts
Fuel Connecticut's Economy, Tax Debate
The Hartford Courant
By ZEKE MILLER And ERIC GERSHON
August 2, 2009
Five months after the national flap over AIG, outrage over Wall Street
bonuses is back, and this time the stakes in Connecticut — for taxes
and for economic health — are much higher.
Nearly 5,000 employees working for the nine large banks that accepted
$175 billion in federal bailout money got million-dollar bonuses last
year. In all, the banks handed out $32.6 billion in "performance-based"
bonuses, New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo disclosed Thursday in a
report.
The payouts renewed angry calls for government controls on bonuses and
prompted an immediate vote by the U.S. House for such controls — in a
bill that would also give shareholders the right to nonbinding votes on
executive pay.
In Connecticut, though, the debate takes on special meaning. It
provides fodder for Democrats in the General Assembly as they try to
push through a tax increase on the highest wage earners.
And even as the payments offend popular concepts of fairness, the
billions in broader Wall Street bonuses are a financial boon to the
state — much more than AIG's disputed $218 million paid to employees at
a Wilton-based office of the failed insurance giant.
There is no public data showing how much of the nine big banks' bonus
money went to Connecticut residents on the Fairfield County Gold Coast
and elsewhere. But by all accounts the figure is large, and it boosts
the state's coffers as well as its overall wealth.
"At minimum, we are talking $100 million for the state budget from
direct income tax, let alone indirect spending by those receiving
bonuses," said Peter Gioia, vice president for research at the
Connecticut Business and Industry Association. "That may upset some
people as taxpayers, but it should put a smile on people who own
businesses."
The $100 million estimate assumes that the nine banks paid out about $2
billion of the $36 billion to Connecticut residents, based on the
current state tax rate.
Whatever the right number, said Nicholas S. Perna, economic adviser for
Webster Bank, "If Mr. Cuomo had been successful in banning all bonuses,
the state budget would have been in even greater trouble."
Meanwhile, Democrats at the state Capitol have said for many months
that the state should fill its two-year, $8.6 billion budget gap by
increasing the tax on high-income residents.
"I think this makes it harder for Republicans to claim that raising
taxes by just $20 a week on those making $600,000 a year is excessive,"
said Senate President Pro Tem Donald E. Williams Jr.
What Is Fair?
As Gioia and Perna point out, the so-called multiplier effect of the
bonuses will help the state's economy as a whole, not just the few who
got the money, since it will diffuse throughout the entire economy as
it is spent.
But economic benefit is one thing and fairness is another.
"There ought to be some proportionality between executive bonuses and
the health of the overall economy," said Jon Green, director of
Connecticut Working Families. "Instead, Wall Street is content to
continue to encourage risky gambling with other people's money. Have we
learned nothing from the past year?"
Edward J. Deak, a professor of economics at Fairfield University, said
he sees "a culture of 'me first'" at these banks, promoted by federal
tax laws, that led to the large bonuses. Current law allows employers
to deduct only the first $1 million in salaries for any one person for
tax purposes, but leaves a loophole for performance-based pay, or
bonuses.
"In this system, performance becomes a subjective standard," Deak said,
"one that becomes looser and looser as more people want their share of
the growing bonus pool."
The banks and insurance companies subject to federal oversight under
the federal bailout program argue that they must be able to pay freely
in order to attract and retain talent. Pay expert Paul Hodgson, a
senior research associate at The Corporate Library, a private group,
takes aim at that notion.
"There has been a glut of bankers on the job market," he said, "and I
find it hard to believe that there are top performers looking to leave
their jobs if they don't get the same bonus as last year."
Spokesmen for three of the largest banks on the bailout list, Bank of
America, JPMorgan Chase and Citigroup, declined to comment for this
story. The bonus amounts for 2008 were in line with the amounts
paid in the past, said Jonathan Koppell, associate professor of
politics and management Yale School of Management.
"I think it's surprising they were not lower considering the
performance of the companies," Koppell said.
Fallout In Hartford
With seven-figure payouts to thousands of people, many, including key
policymakers, doubt that all those bonuses could really have been
earned.
"The government tried to help out the economy, by bailing these
companies out, and it is disturbing that they took advantage of
taxpayer generosity," said state House Speaker Christopher G. Donovan,
D- Meriden. "We obviously need more regulation of the private sector."
Donovan, like Williams in the state Senate, believes Cuomo's report
will advance the Democrats' argument for a tax hike on high earners —
an increase opposed by most Republicans, including Gov. M. Jodi Rell.
"Gov. Rell believes this type of misuse of taxpayers' dollars is
shameful. But this is a federal problem which requires a federal
solution," said Rell spokesman Adam Liegeot. "Raising the state's
income tax is not the answer. In fact, doing so would kill jobs in
Connecticut. Gov. Rell will not allow that to happen."
State Attorney General Richard Blumenthal said his office is
considering how it might obtain information about whether the bonuses
actually compensate individuals for their performance and whether the
recipients kept their jobs last year "by virtue of the government
bailouts."
Nonetheless, he said, "We're dealing with the lifeblood of the American
economy, so we're not going to simply start throwing grenades or making
accusations."
Copyright © 2009, The Hartford Courant
Obama Names Overseer to Set Pay at
Rescued Companies
NYTIMES
By STEPHEN LABATON
June 11, 2009
WASHINGTON—The Obama administration on Wednesday appointed a
compensation overseer with broad discretion to set the pay for 175 top
executives at seven of the nation’s largest companies, which have
received hundreds of billions of dollars in federal assistance to
survive.
The mandate given to the new compensation official, Kenneth R.
Feinberg, a well-known Washington lawyer, reflects the federal
government’s increasingly intrusive role in the corporate affairs of
deeply troubled companies. From his nondescript office in Room 1310 of
the Treasury building, Mr. Feinberg will set the salaries and bonuses
of some of the top financiers and industrialists in America, including
Kenneth D. Lewis, the chief executive of Bank of America; Vikram S.
Pandit, the head of Citigroup, and Fritz Henderson, the chief executive
of General Motors.
The compensation of executives at some companies receiving aid provoked
a firestorm of political outrage earlier this year. In revising a
previous proposal to set pay limits, the administration has decided to
take an approach that will leave the success or failure of the effort
to curtail high compensation at the assisted companies in the hands of
Mr. Feinberg. (Mr. Feinberg himself will not receive any government
compensation.)
The announcement by the Treasury secretary, Timothy F. Geithner, was
part of broader recommendations on executive pay that will affect all
publicly traded companies. Mr. Geithner called on Congress to adopt
“say on pay” legislation giving shareholders the ability to hold
non-binding votes on compensation levels. While in the Senate, Barack
Obama sponsored such legislation, which was opposed by many large
companies.
“This financial crisis had many significant causes, but executive
compensation practices were a contributing factor. Incentives for
short-term gains overwhelmed the checks and balances meant to mitigate
against the risk of excess leverage,” Mr. Geithner said. “By outlining
these principles now, we begin the process of bringing compensation
practices more tightly in line with the interests of shareholders and
reinforcing the stability of firms and the financial system.”
Mr. Geithner said the administration would seek legislation to give
more authority, and promote more independence, by the committees of
corporate boards that set compensation for top executives. The proposal
would be similar to a provision in the Sarbanes-Oxley law of 2002
responding to a spate of accounting scandals that gave more authority,
and imposed more exacting standards, on audit committees of corporate
boards.
The latest plan restricting executive compensation at troubled
institutions attempts to walk a fine line between satisfying public
demand for controlling excessive pay and not spooking Wall Street,
which the administration is hoping to rely on to help buy the troubled
mortgage-backed assets at weaker banks.
Mr. Geithner told reporters on Tuesday that financial institutions are
still worried about the “political risk” of becoming subject to greater
government regulation if they participate in the Public-Private
Investment program to buy toxic assets and relieve the balance sheets
of the most troubled banks.
Instead of deciding compensation levels himself, Mr. Geithner decided
to appoint Mr. Feinberg, a well-known mediator whose last high-profile
assignment was putting a financial value on the lives of victims of the
9/11 attack, to decide the pay for the top 25 executives at the
American International Group, Citibank, Chrysler, Chrysler Credit,
General Motors, GMAC and Bank of America.
For 80 other financial institutions that have received federal
assistance, Mr. Feinberg will develop the overall compensation
structure, but without setting the exact level of pay. For these 80
companies, the goal is to reduce excessive risk-taking by executives
whose compensation is tied to performance. Mr. Feinberg will also
determine whether it would be in the public interest to force any
executives at companies receiving assistance who might have been
overpaid to return some of that pay.
Mr. Feinberg became a nationally known figure after the Bush
administration assigned him to help settle possible lawsuits by the
families of victims of the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11. His job was
to put a value on the lives of the victims and offer government
settlements to avoid lawsuits. Mr. Feinberg met with many of the
families and spoke around the country about how intellectually
challenging and emotionally difficult the assignment became. He often
sought refuge by cloistering himself in a room in his home to listen to
his extensive opera collection.
Before that assignment, he was appointed by federal district judges to
help resolve several difficult product liability lawsuits. He played
central roles in resolving cases involving victims of asbestos, Agent
Orange and the Dalkon Shield, a birth control device that injured more
than 200,000 women. He was also one of three arbitrators who determined
the fair market value of the Zapruder film that captured the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy, resolving a dispute between
the heirs of Abraham Zapruder, who shot the footage, and the
government, which acquired the 26-second film.
The announcement is the third attempt by Washington to respond to
public outrage over high pay at companies receiving taxpayer
assistance. On Feb. 4, the administration announced a proposal to set a
$500,000 cap on cash compensation for the most senior executives at
troubled companies getting “exceptional assistance,” and restrictions
on cashing in on stock incentives.
That plan did little to quell outrage as details of bonuses were
disclosed at several major companies receiving federal assistance. Two
weeks after the Obama plan was announced, Congress approved a $787
billion economic stimulus bill that included more restrictions on the
pay of executives at institutions receiving aid. The provision,
inserted by Senator Christopher J. Dodd, the Connecticut Democrat, over
the objections of the administration, instructed Treasury to come up
with tougher rules for the five most senior officers and the 20
highest-paid employees at the most-troubled companies.
The legislation also barred top executives from receiving bonuses
exceeding a third of their annual pay. Moreover, any bonus would have
to be in the form of long-term incentives, like restricted stock, which
could not be cashed out until the company had repaid the government.
That legislation was the basis for the appointment of Mr. Feinberg.
Mr. Dodd recommended the appointment of Mr. Feinberg to Mr. Geithner
last month, a person briefed on that conversation said.
Editorial: Congress, the Banks and
Derivatives
NYTIMES
June 7, 2009
The Obama administration has made a serious proposal to regulate
derivatives — the multitrillion-dollar market in financial contracts
that malfunctioned so disastrously last year. The plan goes further
than many thought politically possible, especially in its call for
federal oversight of all large derivatives dealers. But it does not go
far enough.
Those dealers — including big banks like JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs
and Morgan Stanley — trade derivatives mainly as one-to-one private
contracts, largely without any regulation. The plan would allow
regulators to impose rules on dealers and track their activities and
presumably put a timely halt to abuses. But it does not demand the full
transparency that would come from trading all derivatives on exchanges,
like stocks.
Exchange trading allows the market as a whole — investors, economists,
researchers — to see how derivatives are structured, priced and traded.
Such knowledge is the best defense against speculative excesses.
The plan would require that derivatives that are deemed “standardized”
— off-the-shelf contracts with mostly boilerplate language — be traded
through a central clearinghouse or on an exchange. But the plan would
also allow for “customized” derivatives — no one knows yet with
certainty what the difference would be — to continue to be traded
privately.
The danger of perpetuating a freewheeling market in customized
derivatives is real. The decision to rope them off looks like a sop to
the banks, which have fought against disclosure and transparency. They
know that customers who rely on derivatives — including investment
funds, major corporations and wealthy individuals — would likely pay
less if they could compare prices.
The question now is whether Congress will try to improve the plan.
Gretchen Morgenson and Don Van Natta Jr. reported in The Times last
week on the banks’ post-meltdown lobbying efforts. Lawmakers are being
pressed, and plied with contributions, to favor the lightest
regulations and the largest loopholes.
Senator Tom Harkin has introduced legislation that would require
exchange trading for derivatives. Representative Collin Peterson has
introduced a bill that would tighten the regulation of derivatives’
clearinghouses. He acknowledges that his bill is not as strong as he
would like but that Congressional politics left him no choice, telling
The Times, “The banks run the place.”
Fed Chief Calls for Plan to Curb Budget Deficits
NYTIMES
By JACK HEALY
June 4, 2009
The Federal Reserve chairman, Ben S. Bernanke, said on Wednesday that
the United States needed to develop a plan to restore fiscal balance,
even as the government racks up huge budget deficits as it tries to
spend its way out of the worst economic crisis since the Great
Depression.
In remarks to the House Budget Committee, Mr. Bernanke said that the
government must address the immediate problems of a crippling recession
that has erased trillions of dollars in household wealth, hobbled
people’s stock portfolios and raised unemployment to its highest levels
in a generation. Still, he said, the government needed to think about
putting its fiscal house back in order.
“Unless we demonstrate a strong commitment to fiscal sustainability in
the longer term, we will have neither financial stability nor healthy
economic growth,” he said in prepared remarks.
The deficit is expected to reach $1.8 trillion this year as the country
spends feverishly on financial bailouts, a sweeping stimulus package,
lending programs, rescues for the automobile industry and more. Those
are the highest budget deficit projections as a share of gross domestic
product since World War II.
President Obama has vowed to reduce the budget gap by half by the end
of his term, a promise made even as tax revenue is falling and the
administration is trying to cobble together a potentially costly
overhaul of the health care system. And the country faces trillions
more in Social Security and Medicare obligations as baby boomers retire
in coming years.
“Even as we take steps to address the recession and threats to
financial stability, maintaining the confidence of the financial
markets requires that we, as a nation, begin planning now for the
restoration of fiscal balance,” Mr. Bernanke said.
Lately, financial markets have started to quaver on worries about the
government’s spending plans, and how they are piling more obligations
onto the country’s $11 trillion national debt.
Investors in the bond markets, where the Treasury Department goes to
raise money to keep the government running, are getting skeptical about
the scale of Washington’s spending. The yields on Treasury notes have
risen to their highest points in five months as investors who thronged
to the safety of government debt begin to invest their money elsewhere.
“These increases appear to reflect concerns about large federal
deficits but also other causes, including greater optimism about the
economic outlook, a reversal of flight-to-quality flows, and technical
factors related to the hedging of mortgage holdings,” Mr. Bernanke said.
But Mr. Bernanke made no mention of whether the Fed would increase its
purchases of $300 billion worth of government securities. Such a move
could help to push down interest rates on longer-term Treasury notes,
but it could raise the prospects for inflation down the road.
The movement away from Treasuries, which rose to record prices at the
height of the credit crisis, is a good thing on some levels. It
suggests that investors are becoming more confident in riskier
investments like stocks and corporate bonds.
But rising interest rates on Treasury notes make it costlier for the
government to raise money. And higher yields on government debt can
also push up interest rates on mortgages and other loans, making
borrowing more expensive for consumers and homeowners.
In his testimony, Mr. Bernanke said that some corners of the
once-frozen financial markets were edging toward normal. Major banks
deemed in need of additional capital are raising money by issuing
billions in common stock and notes, and markets for short-term loans
among banks are functioning more smoothly, Mr. Bernanke said.
He noted that some financial institutions are weaning themselves off
government-backed loan programs as they seek to pay back the money they
took under the $700 billion financial bailout.
“It is encouraging that the private sector’s reliance on the Fed’s
programs has declined as market stresses have eased, an outcome that
was one of our key objectives when we designed our interventions,” he
said.
Mr. Bernanke again cited numerous flickers of stability and growth in
the economy and said that the economy’s swift declines were slowing and
predicted growth would resume later this year. But he swatted away any
hopes of a swift recovery, and said that the economy would probably to
heal slowly.
“We expect that the recovery will only gradually gain momentum and that
economic slack will diminish slowly,” he said in his remarks. “In
particular, businesses are likely to be cautious about hiring, and the
unemployment rate is likely to rise for a time, even after economic
growth resumes.”
New G.M. Plan Gets Support From Key Bondholders
NYTIMES
By MICHAEL J. de la MERCED and MICHELINE MAYNARD
May 29, 2009
A proposal by General Motors to let bondholders receive up to a 25
percent stake if they do not oppose its bankruptcy reorganization — a
bigger share than G.M. offered the autoworkers union — has received the
support of a group representing many of the company’s largest
debtholders.
In a regulatory filing, G.M. also set Saturday afternoon as the
deadline for other bondholders to support the plan. The company is
expected to seek bankruptcy protection by Monday, the deadline set by
the Obama administration.
“Unless a sufficient number of bondholders sign statements backing the
plan, the amount of stock and warrants for bondholders would be
“substantially reduced or eliminated,” G.M. said in the regulatory
filing. A person briefed on the matter said G.M. was seeking support
from investors holding about 50 percent of G.M.’s $27 billion in bond
debt. The plan already has the support of about 35 percent, according
to people briefed on the matter.
In a regulatory filing, G.M. filled in many of the details of how it
would look once it completed its reorganization plan, crafted under the
eye of the Treasury Department. It said the government, which will
provide bankruptcy financing of about $50 billion, initially would hold
72.5 percent of G.M., with the United Automobile Workers union
receiving 17.5 percent, and bondholders receiving 10 percent
But the percentages held by the bondholders and the union could
conceivably be larger because each are being offered warrants in the
new G.M., which would be created in bankruptcy.
Under the terms of the plan, bondholders would initially receive 10
percent. They could then exercise their warrants for an additional 7.5
percent when the new G.M. rises to about $15 billion in value. The
second set of warrants for the final 7.5 percent would be exercisable
when new G.M. rises to $30 billion in value.
The union would initially receive a 17.5 percent stake to finance a
health care trust for its retirees. It has also received warrants to
raise that holding to 20 percent — but as Thursday’s filing made clear,
those warrants are exercisable only if new G.M.’s value hits $75
billion.
Once the union and bondholders achieve their full stakes, the
government’s share would drop to 55 percent.
The hope is to create a new G.M. by late August, people with knowledge
of the matter said.
On Thursday, the committee representing holders of about 20 percent of
the bonds’ value, said they voted unanimously in favor of the proposal.
In a statement, the group said it “believes that when contrasted with
the alternative — uncertain and costly bankruptcy court litigation —
that it represents the best alternative for bondholders in the current
difficult and dire situation.”
Another group of bondholders, representing about 30 percent of G.M.’s
debt, is in talks with the Treasury, people with knowledge of the
discussions said.
Earlier this week, bondholders overwhelmingly rejected a debt exchange
offer that would have swapped their bonds for 10 percent of the
company’s equity. Bondholders rejected the initial offer because they
were upset that the U.A.W.’s health care trust, to which G.M. owes $20
billion, received a larger stake than the debt holders, who were owed
$27 billion.
Under the proposal, bondholders conceivably will outrank the health
care trust, once the warrants are exercised. Not only does that soothe
any ruffled feelings, but it will create good will with the lenders
G.M. will need to tap after it emerges from bankruptcy. On the other
hand, the union will hold debt and preferred stock that helps guarantee
its health care trust will be financed even if the new company falters.
G.M. and the Treasury are striving to resolve several issues before
G.M. files for protection. Last week, G.M. reached a deal with the
U.A.W. on contract concessions, while the company announced plans to
eliminate brands including Hummer, Saturn, Saab and Pontiac. It also
seeks to close dealerships and has announced plans to shut several
plants.
Thursday’s announcement came after German and American negotiators in
Berlin failed to agree on a crucial bridge loan to sustain Opel and the
rest of G.M.’s European operations in the event of a bankruptcy filing,
following a marathon negotiating session that stretched till nearly 5
a.m. Thursday.
Neither G.M. nor the Treasury Department are willing to invest
significant sums of money in the company’s European operations, which
they believe hold little value, people briefed on the matter said. G.M.
and Treasury officials believe that the company would not be
significantly hurt if Opel were forced into insolvency.
But officials did manage to narrow the field of potential suitors for
Opel to two companies — Fiat, the Italian automaker, and Magna, a
Canadian auto-parts giant. A Belgian private equity firm as well as a
Chinese automaker were knocked out of contention.
Where
this recession is reaching...
How Does the Current Crisis Compare to the
Great Depression?
By Price Fishback
A Guest Post at the "Freakonomics" blog on the NYTIMES
May 11, 2009
Over the past couple of decades, every time we have experienced a
slowdown in the American economy, the media mentioned the possibility
that this is the next Great Depression. Maybe this is a natural
response to the relative lack of downturns over the past 20 years.
After experiencing a downturn once every three to seven years for
nearly two centuries, the U.S. economy has been averaging a downturn
about once every nine or ten years since the early 1980’s. As declines
in the economy have become rarer, perhaps people have become more
sensitive to them.
In the 1920’s, Soviet economist Nikolai Kondratiev argued for the
existence of 40- to 60-year economic super-cycles. Since the Great
Depression ended nearly 70 years ago, maybe we are overdue for the next
one.
The events of the last year naturally have stimulated comparisons to
the Great Depression. Two years ago, few would have ever guessed that
there would be no pure major investment banks left on Wall Street. The
banking industry is struggling, as many financial institutions face
uncertainty about the values of their assets, particularly financial
instruments related to mortgages. The U.S. and most of the rest of the
world are in recession. Meanwhile, the stock market has lost roughly 40
percent of its value from the all-time peak it reached in late 2007.
How does this compare to the Great Depression? We won’t know the final
outcome of this recession for a while, but I can safely say that the
current situation is nowhere near as bad as the situation during the
1930’s. There may be surface similarities on some dimensions, but there
are far more differences than there are similarities.
Since the start of the recession in late 2007, the monthly unemployment
rate has risen from 4.9 percent to 7.6 percent in January 2009. Before
thinking about the Great Depression, realize that unemployment rates
have exceeded 7 percent in 139 months since World War II. This includes
32 months between 1974 and 1977, 76 months between 1980 and 1986, and
21 more between 1991 and 1993. The Great Depression was far more
disastrous. One year after the stock market crash of 1929, the
unemployment rate had risen from 2 percent to 10.8 percent. The next
year it was 16.8 percent. Then unemployment rates rose above 20 percent
for four straight years!
It does not end there. The unemployment rate exceeded 14 percent for
five more years until finally dropping below 10 percent again in 1941.
These rates include emergency workers, but these were people who were
working for their relief payments at hourly wages that were roughly
half the norm on other government projects. We treat people receiving
unemployment benefits today as unemployed, and all they are required to
do is seek work.
Do I sound like your grandparent talking about walking barefoot and
backward several miles through the snow to go to school? There’s more.
Real G.D.P. fell during the last two quarters, but real G.D.P. in the
fourth quarter of 2008 was almost identical to real G.D.P. in the
fourth quarter of 2007. Since World War II, there have been 28 quarters
where real G.D.P. was below the same quarter in the prior year. How
does this compare with the Great Depression? In 1930, Americans
produced 8.6 percent fewer final goods and services than in 1929, in
1931 15 percent less, and in 1932 and 1933 roughly 26 percent less than
in 1929. It is hard to conceptualize such a drop in G.D.P.
Consider this: the 1932 and 1933 figures would have been the equivalent
of shutting down all production of goods and services west of the
Mississippi River. Annual real G.D.P. did not reach its 1929 level
again until 1936. We are experiencing pain now, but the problems of the
Great Depression were several magnitudes greater.
Goldman Would Use Share Sale to Return Bailout
Money
NYTIMES
By LOUISE STORY
April 15, 2009
Six months after accepting a financial lifeline from Washington, a
newly profitable Goldman Sachs is pushing to return the billions of
taxpayer dollars that it received in an effort to extricate itself from
heightened government control. Goldman, which rode out the final,
tumultuous months of 2008 with the help of a federal rescue, reported
strong quarterly profits on Monday and said that it would seek to raise
money in the capital markets to repay the government.
If successful, Goldman would become the first major bank to return
funds received under the Troubled Asset Relief Program, or TARP. Such a
step would probably enable Goldman — long one of the most lucrative
places to work on Wall Street — to free itself from government-imposed
restrictions on compensation.
Many analysts welcomed the news as the latest in a series of signs that
the financial industry is stabilizing. But others warned of a looming
divide between a handful of banks like Goldman, which may be strong
enough to return their TARP money, and the many others that are too
weak to go without government funds. It is unclear how quickly
Goldman, which was also a beneficiary of a separate government rescue
of the American International Group, might be allowed to return the $10
billion it accepted last October.
In a conference call Tuesday morning, Goldman’s chief financial
officer, David A. Viniar, said Goldman never viewed the taxpayer money
as long-term capital.
“We view it as our duty to return the funds as long as we can do it
without negatively impacting our financial profile,” Mr. Viniar said.
While Goldman’s latest results bolster its case for untangling itself
from TARP, federal regulators are nonetheless concerned about the
health of the broader financial industry and the implications such a
move might have for other institutions. Goldman is not allowed to
return the money without the approval of the Treasury and the Federal
Reserve, which both declined to comment on Monday.
“The issue is
really, will the government give Goldman special dispensation to get
out first?” said Brad Hintz, an analyst at Sanford C. Bernstein.
“Goldman can walk the halls of Congress waving a check, but is it in
the best interest of the marketplace for them to pay it back?”
Goldman indicated in early February that it would seek to repay the
funds, and since then, several other banks have said they would like to
do the same. Not all banks, however, are likely to bounce back as
quickly as Goldman, despite expectations that other banks will report
strong results for the first quarter. Goldman announced profits
of $1.66 billion in the quarter or $3.39 a share, marking a strong
comeback from a loss in late 2008. Goldman’s profit was propelled by
record revenues of $6.56 billion in its fixed income, currency and
commodities unit, where mortgage and other credit instruments are
traded. Over all, Goldman’s revenues were $9.43 billion, up 13 percent
from the first quarter a year ago.
Mr. Viniar said Tuesday morning that the bank was able to generate much
of its revenues by trading “plain vanilla” investments. Margins were
higher-than usual, he said, in part because of the disappearance of
some of Goldman’s former competitors, like Bear Stearns and Lehman
Brothers.
“Many of our traditional competitors have retreated from the
marketplace,” Mr. Viniar said.
Goldman reported its results a day ahead of schedule, setting a
positive tone for a slew of other bank results expected in the coming
week. While several small banks have returned TARP money, Goldman so
far is alone among large institutions.
Last Tuesday, Lloyd C. Blankfein, Goldman’s chief executive, visited
Washington to speak before an industry conference, and to meet with
Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner. Though rumors have swirled
about Goldman’s payback, it was only last week in that meeting that Mr.
Blankfein formally asked to return the money and detailed his plan to
raise more private capital. Goldman said on Monday that it would seek
to raise $5 billion by selling new common stock and use the proceeds,
along with other funds, to repay the government.
The amount Goldman owes will be higher than the $10 billion because of
warrants that the government was granted that must be valued by an
independent firm. Goldman said in a statement on Monday that returning
the TARP money depends on the results of a stress test that federal
bank examiners are in the process of evaluating for Goldman and other
big banks.
Goldman did not address the bonds that it issued with government
backing last fall.
While Goldman reported a strong first quarter, it also reported a loss
of $1 billion in the month of December, underscoring how quickly its
fortunes can change. That month was reported on its own because Goldman
is changing the timing of its fiscal year by a month, to match the
calendar year. The loss was in part related to write-downs on
high-yield bonds, as well as deterioration in real estate.
Goldman did not detail its reasons for wanting to return the TARP
money, but the bank’s chief financial officer, David A. Viniar,
addressed the topic at a conference in early February.
“We just think that operating our business without the government
capital would be an easier thing to do,” Mr. Viniar said. “We’d be
under less scrutiny, and under less pressure. Not that we’d be out of
the public eye; we’re still going to be in the public eye.”
Since then, the government added new requirements for companies that
accepted taxpayer money, including stronger rules about bonuses. In a
speech last week, Mr. Blankfein criticized one of the other new rules,
which centered on visas issued by banks for foreign workers. The
capital markets have been virtually dead for months, so it is unclear
how Goldman’s stock offering will fare. Only two companies — HSBC, the
big British bank, and Xstrata, a mining company — have issued more than
$5 billion in equity this year, without government backing, according
to Dealogic.
Some analysts were skeptical about Goldman’s intention to return the
money. “If you look at most of the conditions in place that forced TARP
onto the banks, those conditions have not changed,” said Roger Freeman,
an analyst with Barclays Capital. Since the end of November, Goldman
had reduced the number of its employees by more than 2,000, to 27,898,
according to the statement. In the last year, the bank has cut 4,000
jobs.
“Given the difficult market conditions, we are pleased with this
quarter’s performance,” Mr. Blankfein said in the release. “Our results
reflect the strength and diversity of our client franchise, the
resilience of our business model and the dedication and focus of our
people.”
Some Banks, Citing
Strings, Want to Return Aid
NYTIMES
By STEPHEN LABATON
March 11, 2009
WASHINGTON — The list of demands keeps getting longer.
Financial institutions that are getting government bailout funds have
been told to put off evictions and modify mortgages for distressed
homeowners. They must let shareholders vote on executive pay packages.
They must slash dividends, cancel employee training and morale-building
exercises, and withdraw job offers to foreign citizens.
As public outrage swells over the rapidly growing cost of bailing out
financial institutions, the Obama administration and lawmakers are
attaching more and more strings to rescue funds.
The conditions are necessary to prevent Wall Street executives from
paying lavish bonuses and buying corporate jets, some experts say, but
others say the conditions go beyond protecting taxpayers and border on
social engineering.
Some bankers say the conditions have become so onerous that they want
to return the bailout money. The list includes small banks like the TCF
Financial Corporation of Wayzata, Minn., and Iberia Bank of Lafayette,
La., as well as giants like Goldman Sachs and Wells Fargo.
They say they plan to return the money as quickly as possible or as
soon as regulators set up a process to accept the refunds. On Tuesday,
Signature Bank of New York announced that because of new executive pay
restrictions in the economic stimulus package, it notified the Treasury
that it intended to return the $120 million it had received from the
government only three months ago.
Other institutions like Johnson Bank of Racine, Wis., initially
expressed interest in seeking bailout funds but have now changed their
minds. Bank executives told The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that one
reason they rejected the government money was to avoid any disruption
in the bank’s role in the local community, including supporting the zoo
or opera company if they chose to.
One of the biggest concerns of the banks is that the program lets
Congress and the administration pile on new conditions at any time.
The demands to modify mortgages or forestall evictions are especially
onerous, some bank executives and experts say, because they could
prompt some institutions to take steps that could lead to greater
losses.
“We are taking an approach that wants the banks to help the economy and
whether it is ultimately good for a particular bank is secondary,” said
L. William Seidman, the former senior regulator during the savings and
loan bailout. “Weak banks are being asked to do things that will erode
their position.”
A senior Treasury official involved in the bailout effort said the
administration was carefully trying not to do anything that could harm
the banks and was giving financial incentives to modify mortgages. The
official said the restrictions were part of a larger effort to clean up
bank balance sheets and assist the economy.
“We’re having to take some very unpleasant actions when the
alternatives are so much worse,” said the official, who spoke on
condition of not being identified.
But a growing chorus of industry experts are warning that asking weak
banks to carry out the government’s economic and social policies could
increase the drain on the public purse. These experts say that the
financial assistance, while helpful in the short run, could force weak
banks to engage in lending practices that will lose even more money,
and that the government inevitably will become more heavily involved in
dictating how banks do business.
“I honestly believe the people in power pushing this policy see it as a
win-win — as something that is good for the banking industry and good
for homeowners and others,” said Douglas J. Elliott, a former
investment banker who is now an economics fellow at the Brookings
Institution. “But there is a slippery slope and there are potentially
significant negative consequences.”
Mr. Elliott says that by modifying loans, banks that are already
fragile could wind up losing more money.
“What gets us in real trouble,” he said, “is when we try to fudge
things and pretend that something is in the direct interest of both the
government and the financial institutions when it in fact costs the
banks money or increases their risk levels.”
Take Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the housing-finance companies that the
government now controls. In recent months, they have been told to spend
billions of dollars buying bundles of mortgages for which there are no
other buyers, and to let homeowners refinance their loans — even if
they have no equity.
Such commands are echoes of the 1990s, when Fannie and Freddie tried to
balance dueling mandates that required them to make a profit for their
shareholders and to serve a public mission of increasing homeownership.
In service of both shareholders and what they asserted was the public
good, they borrowed extensively in order to buy and hold mortgages in
their own investment portfolios. They purchased billions of dollars in
risky subprime mortgages.
As a consequence of having a public mandate, they also had a credit
line with the Treasury and their risky business strategies were viewed
by the markets as being guaranteed by the government.
To satisfy both mandates, the companies also faced fewer restrictions
and were allowed to take on more debt than other financial companies.
But when buyers began defaulting and home prices plunged, the companies
nearly collapsed and last fall were placed under government
conservatorship. Mr. Elliott said that some banks participating in the
bailout program are now in the same conflicting position that Fannie
Mae and Freddie Mac were in.
He and other experts also worry that, by relying on weak banks to carry
out the administration’s or Congress’s policies, officials are not
biting the bullet and shutting down weak banks that may be insolvent.
At the height of the savings and loan crisis in the 1980s and 1990s,
Congress and regulators adopted new rules known as “prompt corrective
action” that required the government to quickly close weak financial
institutions if they could not raise money to absorb mounting losses.
The rules were a response to a consensus that keeping weak institutions
open longer, under an earlier practice known as forbearance, damaged
healthy banks competing with the government-subsidized ones and
ultimately destabilized the banking system. By shutting weakened
institutions before their losses grew, prompt corrective action was
also seen as less costly to taxpayers and the deposit insurance fund.
Administration officials say that some of the banks at issue today are
simply too large to be seized by the government, making comparisons to
the savings and loan crisis less meaningful.
Moreover, they say, the public outrage over the growing cost of the
bailout makes it politically imperative that they exert greater control
over the way the money is being spent.
But by keeping weak banks operating, the markets continue to sink and
taxpayer costs are mounting, outside experts said. “The current policy
is likely to result in weaker banks,” Mr. Seidman said. “And keeping
insolvent banks in operation does not benefit the system.”
Some community bankers, whose institutions are stronger than the large
money center banks, agree.
C. R. Cloutier, the president of MidSouth Bank of Lafayette, La., and a
survivor of the savings and loan debacle, said that his institution
received $20 million from the rescue fund because he and his board
believed it was patriotic and would help them offer loans during a
recession.
But faced with what he says is an unwarranted stigma of participating
in the program, as well as the new restrictions on banks taking the
money, he is now considering whether to return the money, as other
institutions have sought to do.
“Two things you learn in the banking business,” Mr. Cloutier said. “The
first is, concentration is bad. We now have 64 percent of deposits in
eight institutions. The second rule is, your first loss is your best
loss. Get it over with. Don’t pump water in a dead fish.”
Op-Ed Columnist
Obama’s Ball and Chain
NYTIMES
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
March 4, 2009
Two signs of the times: First, a banker friend remarked to me
that you know your bank is in trouble when its share price is less than
the cost of taking money out of one of its A.T.M.’s.
Second, go to Google and type in these four letters: m-e-r-e. Before
you go any further, Google will list the possible things or people
you’re searching for, and at the top of that list will be the name
“Meredith Whitney.” She comes up before “merengue” and “Meredith
Viera.” Who is Meredith Whitney? She is a banking analyst who became
famous for declaring last year, long before others, that Citigroup was
up to its neck in bad mortgages and would not likely survive in its
present form.
Do you know how many people have to be searching for you if all you
have to do is put in four letters and your name pops up first? A lot!
But I am not surprised. Our banking system is in so much trouble that
everyone is searching for the silver-bullet solution — and the person
who can describe it. Alas, there is no silver bullet.
I’m worried. We’ve just elected a talented young president with many
good instincts about how to propel our country forward, extend health
care to more people, make our tax code fairer and launch a green
industrial revolution. But do you know what I fear? I fear that his
whole first term could be eaten by Citigroup, A.I.G., Bank of America,
Merrill Lynch, and the whole housing/subprime credit bubble we inflated
these past 20 years.
I hope my fears are exaggerated. But ask yourself this: Why couldn’t
former Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson solve this problem? And why does
it seem as though his successor, Tim Geithner, won’t even look us in
the eye and spell out his strategy? Is it because they don’t get it?
No. It is because they know — like Roy Scheider in the movie “Jaws,”
when he first saw the great white shark — that “we’re gonna need a
bigger boat,” and they’re too afraid to tell us just how big.
This problem is more complicated than anything you can imagine. We are
coming off a 20-year credit binge. As a country, too many of us stopped
making money by making “stuff” and started making money from money —
consumers making money out of rising home prices and using the profits
to buy flat-screen TVs from China on their credit cards, and bankers
making money by creating complex securities and leverage so more and
more consumers could get in on the credit game.
When this huge bubble exploded, it created a crater so deep that we
can’t see the bottom — because that hole is the product of two
inter-related excesses. Some banks are in trouble because of the
subprime mortgage securities they have on their books that are now
worth only 20 cents on the dollar because of widespread defaults.
And many other banks — the ones that took on the most leverage like
Citigroup and Bank of America — are in trouble because of all the loans
on their books that can’t now be repaid, such as auto loans, commercial
real estate loans, credit card loans, corporate loans. Most of the big
banks have not marked down these loans yet because if they did, they
would be insolvent. The subprime toxic securities will take billions to
bail out; the loans could take trillions.
Climbing out of such a deep crater is going to be tricky. Any big step
we try to take could trigger other problems — the full dimensions of
which we don’t understand. We need to create a “bad bank” to buy and
hold the toxic mortgage assets or have the government buy the first
batch and create a market, but that would likely involve bailing out
banks that have behaved very recklessly. It is a price I’d pay to save
the system, but even doing that is very complicated. Buying securitized
toxic mortgages is not like buying a yacht off the books of a bankrupt
savings-and-loan.
Nationalizing Citigroup may sound good on paper, but putting Citigroup
into receivership could trigger all kinds of defaults on derivative
contracts that it has written. It may be inevitable, but we’d better
understand all of Citigroup’s counterparty risks so we don’t
inadvertently set off more falling dominos, à la Lehman Brothers.
At the moment, the Obama team seems to prefer a gradual attempt to
nurse these sick banks back to health with repeated blood transfusions
— $30 billion more to A.I.G. today, another $40 billion to Citigroup
tomorrow. And Lord only knows how much Bank of America will need after
its weekend fling with Merrill Lynch has left it with Toxic Asset
Disease. The Federal Reserve and the Treasury seem to be trying to give
these banks enough capital to survive the next two years, as they
de-leverage and de-risk their portfolios — and then hope for the best.
If they are right, the president (and the rest of us) will just have a
wrenching first year and then be able to gradually put the banking
crisis behind him.
For now, though, the banks still threaten to consume the Obama
presidency. Indeed, I’m sorry to report that if you just type two
letters into Google — “b-a” — the first thing that comes up is not
Barack Obama. It’s “Bank of America.” Barack Obama is third
Bernanke: Economy
Suffering 'Severe Contraction'
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 5:32 p.m. ET
February 24, 2009
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The economy is suffering a ''severe contraction,''
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke told Congress on Tuesday. But he
planted a glimmer of hope that the recession might end this year if the
government managed to prop up the shaky banking system, and Wall Street
rallied.
Bernanke said the economy is likely to keep shrinking in the first six
months of this year after posting its worst slide in a quarter-century
at the end of 2008.
Bernanke said he hoped the recession will end this year, but that there
were significant risks to that forecast. Any economic turnaround will
hinge on the success of the Fed and the Obama administration in getting
credit and financial markets to operate more normally again.
''Only if that is the case, in my view there is a reasonable prospect
that the current recession will end in 2009 and that 2010 will be a
year of recovery,'' Bernanke told the Senate Banking Committee.
That -- along with the Fed chief's remarks that regulators don't intend
to nationalize banks -- was enough to buoy Wall Street. The Dow Jones
industrials added more than 236 points and the Standard & Poor's
500 index also rose, a day after both hit their lowest levels since
1997.
Among the risks to any recovery are if economic and financial troubles
in other countries turn out to be worse than anticipated, which would
hurt U.S. exports and further aggravate already fragile financial
conditions in the United States.
Another concern is that the Fed and other Washington policymakers won't
be able to break a vicious cycle where disappearing jobs, tanking home
values and shrinking nest eggs are forcing consumers to cut back
sharply, worsening the economy's tailspin. In turn, battered companies
lay off more people and cut back in other ways.
''To break that adverse feedback loop, it is essential that we continue
to complement fiscal stimulus with strong government action to
stabilize financial institutions and financial markets,'' Bernanke said.
In an effort to revive the economy, the Fed has slashed a key interest
rate to an all-time low and Obama recently signed a $787 billion
stimulus package of increased government spending and tax cuts.
In addition, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner has revamped a
controversial $700 billion bank bailout program to include steps to
partner with the private sector to buy rotten assets held by banks as
well as expand government ownership stakes in them -- all with the
hopes of freeing up lending. The Obama administration also will spend
$75 billion to stem home foreclosures.
Those and other bold steps -- including a soon-to-be-operational
program to boost the availability of consumer loans -- for autos,
education, credit cards and other things -- should over time provide
relief and promote an economic recovery, Bernanke said. That program is
''about to open,'' he told lawmakers, without providing an exact date.
Sen. Christopher Dodd, D-Conn., chairman of the panel, and other
senators suggested expanding that program overseen by the Fed and
Treasury, to help squeezed local governments. Radical actions by
the
government since last fall when the financial crisis intensified have
relieved some credit and financial strains, Bernanke said.
''Nevertheless, despite these favorable developments, significant
stresses persist in many markets,'' he said.
Although Bernanke didn't mention any financial institutions by name,
Citigroup Inc. -- the industry's troubled titan -- apparently is in
line for additional government help.
Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., worried the government was ''creeping''
toward bank nationalization through a new option announced by the
administration Monday. The new plan allows the government to greatly
expand its ownership in a bank by converting preferred shares into
common shares.
''It is not nationalization,'' Bernanke said.
Looking ahead, Corker was skeptical about the effectiveness of
bank-rescue efforts saying he saw a continuation of ''sort of dead-man
walking, zombie bank.''
Critics worry the Fed's actions have the potential to put ever-more
taxpayers' dollars at risk and encourage ''moral hazard,'' where
companies feel more comfortable making high-stakes gambles because the
government will rescue them.
The public's anger over the government's bailout efforts is
understandable, the Fed chief said. ''A lot of this goes against
American values of self reliance and responsibility,'' Bernanke said.
Stress tests on the nation's biggest banks, which regulators will start
conducting Wednesday, are designed to give regulators a better idea of
how much additional capital and the type needed for banks to lend if
the crisis were to grow worse than anticipated, Bernanke said.
Regulators will assess banks' capital needs over a two-year horizon.
''The outcome of the stress test is not going to be fail or pass,'' he
said, stressing that the goal is to return banks to health -- not take
them over.
''We've always worked with banks to make sure that they're healthy and
stable, and we're going to work with them. I don't see any reason to
destroy the franchise value or to create the huge legal uncertainties
of trying to formally nationalize the bank when it just isn't
necessary,'' he said.
Separately Tuesday, the Fed issued a guidance letter that said banks
need to be careful when they decide to pay dividends to shareholders
that could raise ''safety and soundness concerns.''
The new guidance was intended for all banks the Fed regulates but was
particularly aimed at banks ''experiencing financial difficulties
and/or receiving public funds.'' The letter said the bank holding
company should inform the Fed if it is planning to pay a dividend that
exceeds earnings for a given quarter or that could effect's the bank's
capital position in an adverse way.
All the negative forces have battered consumers and businesses. ''The
economy is undergoing a severe contraction,'' Bernanke said.
The nation's unemployment rate is now at 7.6 percent, the highest in
more than 16 years, and it will climb higher -- even in the best-case
scenario that an economic recovery happens next year. The Fed
expects
the jobless rate to rise to close to 9 percent this year, and probably
remain above normal levels of around 5 percent into 2011. The
recession, which started in December 2007, already has killed a net
total of 3.6 million jobs.
Fed policymakers think that a ''full recovery'' of the economy is
likely to take more than two or three years, Bernanke said.
To brace the economy, many analysts predict the Fed will leave its key
rate at record lows through the rest of this year.
Debt
burden tests global investments
Washington Times
Patrice Hill
Thursday, January 15, 2009
President-elect Barack Obama will be testing the limits
of the global markets' ability to absorb U.S. government debt by piling
an $800 billion stimulus plan on top of more than $1 trillion in new
obligations already scheduled this year.
Wall Street analysts worry that China, Japan and other nations that
readily helped finance U.S. debt in the past won't have the willingness
or wherewithal to buy what will amount to three to four times the
previous yearly record of Treasury-issued debt of $455 billion. Some
analysts predict a calamity such as the failure of a U.S. bond auction,
which could drive interest rates sharply higher just as the economy is
struggling to recover.
Others are less worried, but evidence is mounting that the debt burden
could rise to unmanageable levels. The mere mention by Mr. Obama in a
news conference last week that the U.S. could run deficits exceeding $1
trillion for several years sent a shudder through the Treasury bond
market, where those deficits must be financed, sending interest rates
temporarily higher.
A bond auction failed last week in Germany, which has comparatively
little debt to finance, raising concerns about whether the United
States faces similar problems on a much larger scale. Wall Street
rating agencies Moody's and Standard & Poor's Corp. said they are
closely watching the surge in debt and the willingness of foreign
investors to finance it.
"Fiscal risk has noticeably increased," said S&P analyst Nikola G.
Swann, while "the country's exposure to a change in international
investors' willingness to add to their portfolio of U.S. dollar assets
grows with each year."
On Thursday, the Senate Budget Committee will hold a hearing on the
so-called debt bubble and is expected to ask a panel of economists
about the ability of world markets to finance the growing U.S.
obligations.
"In a world where you are running a deficit profile of staggering
proportions, it all comes down to the confidence of foreign investors,"
said Alex Jurshevski, a strategist at Recovery Partners who expects the
Treasury to borrow as much as $2 trillion more this fiscal year to
finance its bank bailout program as well as budget deficits that are
burgeoning as a result of the recession and the massive stimulus Mr.
Obama is planning.
A flight to safe-haven Treasury bills since the fall has made it easy
thus far for the nation to finance its increased debts, but analysts
say that trend is abnormal and should not be taken for granted.
Moreover, when as much as $2 trillion in new debt in the next year is
combined with $4.3 trillion of outstanding debt that is coming due and
must be rolled over, Treasury will have to find buyers for $6.3
trillion of debt, Mr. Jurshevski said.
"This is unparalleled," and will test the "entente cordiale" the United
States has with China, Japan and other Asian and oil-producing nations
that in the past have purchased about half of outstanding U.S. debt in
a tacit exchange for U.S. consumers buying their products, Mr.
Jurshevski said. The unstated agreement has enabled the U.S. to run
gigantic budget and trade deficits with little consequence because the
financing has been readily available.
China, the largest holder of U.S. debt, has invested about $1 trillion
of its foreign reserves in U.S. bonds, but the yearly addition to its
reserves from export earnings is expected to drop to $177 billion this
year from a high of $415 billion last year. That leaves the Asian giant
with much less money to invest at a time when new U.S. debt is
potentially quadrupling. With its economy deteriorating fast, China
also has a massive stimulus program as well as social welfare and
unemployment programs to finance at home.
Oil-exporting states like Russia and Qatar that were brimming with
surplus revenues as oil hit a record high of $147 a barrel in July also
have seen their economic fortunes and revenues nose-dive in the past
six months as the price of oil fell to as low as $30 per barrel.
As the financial reversal set in during the second half of last year,
China, the oil states and other foreign investors started selling off
some of their U.S. holdings of Fannie Mae's and other mortgage and
corporate bonds, in a move that helped precipitate the September U.S.
financial crash. The Treasury temporarily benefited as those investors
- along with investors fleeing stricken stock and commodity markets -
parked their money in T-bills and other short-term debt instruments
that are considered the equivalent of "cash" on Wall Street.
But now that the surplus nations are also in severe economic downturns
with critical needs to fund at home, Mr. Jurshevski questions whether
they will be able or willing to take on exponentially more U.S. debt -
particularly at the near-zero yields that Treasury instruments are
offering. He thinks that some attempted auctions of U.S. debt will fail
to find buyers, and that will force up interest rates across the board
as the Treasury ups the ante to attract investors.
Ian Campbell, an analyst with Breakingviews.com, said the failure of a
German 10-year bond auction on Jan. 7 should serve as a warning to the
United States and Britain, which also is heaping unprecedented amounts
of debt into the markets in an effort to revive its economy and banking
system. Germany was unable to find buyers for one-third of its bond
issue, even though its budget is close to balance.
"The U.K. and U.S. have deficit-spent, consumed and imported their way
into trouble, and now are planning an ill-afforded government spending
and tax cut binge to get them out of it," driving their public debt to
post-World War II highs well over 8 percent of economic output, Mr.
Campbell said. "Are investors ready to take it?"
Moody's Investors Service this week said the difficulty Germany and a
few other European governments have had issuing bonds shows that heavy
borrowing plans on both sides of the Atlantic will test the limits of
the debt markets.
"Issuance of government debt and government-guaranteed debt at all
levels of the rating scale is rapidly swelling," said Arnaud Mares,
Moody's senior vice president. "The proposition that the highest-rated
governments are totally immune to liquidity risk is being put to the
test."
After the German auction failure, Moody's suggested that governments
may have to offer a mix of more short-term debt versus long-term debt
to satisfy investors' appetites for instruments where they can put
their money for a few months while they wait out the turmoil in global
stock markets. But Mr. Jurshevski said the skewing of fast-rising
government debt toward short-term bills that must be rolled over every
few months poses dangers in itself.
The only alternative for the U.S. if investors balk at buying Treasury
bonds, analysts say, may be for the Federal Reserve to buy the debt - a
prospect recently raised by Fed Chairman Ben S. Bernanke. The central
bank would finance its purchases of U.S. debt by printing money. But
that would scare off foreign investors even more, analysts say, as the
flood of dollars into the economy and markets raises the risk of
setting off inflation once the economy recovers.
Some economists say that Americans will start saving more and
purchasing more of their own bonds, enabling the U.S. to finance its
own deficits after depending heavily on foreigners for decades. The
paltry U.S. savings rate recently has ticked up from near zero to about
2.8 percent.
Richard Berner, chief economist at Morgan Stanley, said he expects the
savings rate to surge to 6 percent this year, but ironically that would
occur only as a result of Americans saving a substantial share of the
$300 billion tax cut Mr. Obama is planning.
Peter Schiff, president of Euro Pacific Capital, said he expects the
Fed to absorb all the debt, creating a big inflation problem for the
U.S. in the long run. The mere suggestion by Mr. Bernanke that the Fed
will buy U.S. debt has set off a speculative frenzy, with investors
snapping up Treasuries and hoping to sell them to the Fed in the
future, he said.
Mr. Schiff faulted Mr. Obama for not telling the public of the dangers
of so much borrowing, while touting the benefits of the stimulus
legislation.
"The truth is that the only way out of this mess is less government,
more savings and increased production. Obama's plan will prevent all
three," he said. "He intends to force-feed more consumer spending and
debt into an economy already suffering from an excess of both."
Op-Ed Contributors
The End of the Financial World as We Know It
NYTIMES
By MICHAEL LEWIS and DAVID EINHORN
January 4, 2009
AMERICANS enter the New Year in a strange new role: financial lunatics.
We’ve been viewed by the wider world with mistrust and suspicion on
other matters, but on the subject of money even our harshest critics
have been inclined to believe that we knew what we were doing. They
watched our investment bankers and emulated them: for a long time now
half the planet’s college graduates seemed to want nothing more out of
life than a job on Wall Street.
This is one reason the collapse of our financial system has inspired
not merely a national but a global crisis of confidence. Good God, the
world seems to be saying, if they don’t know what they are doing with
money, who does?
Incredibly, intelligent people the world over remain willing to lend us
money and even listen to our advice; they appear not to have realized
the full extent of our madness. We have at least a brief chance to cure
ourselves. But first we need to ask: of what? Read the two article
op-ed here.
AUTHORS:
Michael Lewis, a contributing editor
at Vanity Fair and the author of “Liar’s Poker,” is writing a book
about the collapse of Wall Street. David Einhorn is the president of
Greenlight Capital, a hedge fund, and the author of “Fooling Some of
the People All of the Time.” Investment accounts managed by Greenlight
may have a position (long or short) in the securities discussed in this
article.
The Reckoning: By
Saying Yes, WaMu Built Empire on Shaky Loans
NYTIMES
By PETER S. GOODMAN and GRETCHEN MORGENSON
December 28, 2008
“We hope to do to this industry what Wal-Mart did to
theirs, Starbucks did to theirs, Costco did to theirs and Lowe’s-Home
Depot did to their industry. And I think if we’ve done our job, five
years from now you’re not going to call us a bank.”
— Kerry K. Killinger, chief executive of Washington Mutual, 2003
SAN DIEGO — As a supervisor at a Washington Mutual mortgage processing
center, John D. Parsons was accustomed to seeing baby sitters claiming
salaries worthy of college presidents, and schoolteachers with incomes
rivaling stockbrokers’. He rarely questioned them. A real estate frenzy
was under way and WaMu, as his bank was known, was all about saying yes.
Yet even by WaMu’s relaxed standards, one mortgage four years ago
raised eyebrows. The borrower was claiming a six-figure income and an
unusual profession: mariachi singer. Mr. Parsons could not verify
the singer’s income, so he had him photographed in front of his home
dressed in his mariachi outfit. The photo went into a WaMu file.
Approved.
“I’d lie if I said every piece of documentation was properly signed and
dated,” said Mr. Parsons, speaking through wire-reinforced glass at a
California prison near here, where he is serving 16 months for theft
after his fourth arrest — all involving drugs.
While Mr. Parsons, whose incarceration is not related to his work for
WaMu, oversaw a team screening mortgage applications, he was snorting
methamphetamine daily, he said.
“In our world, it was tolerated,” said Sherri Zaback, who worked for
Mr. Parsons and recalls seeing drug paraphernalia on his desk.
“Everybody said, ‘He gets the job done...’ ” Full story here.
Bernanke’s How-To on Rate Increase
Lacks a When
NYTIMES
By SEWELL CHAN
February 11, 2010
WASHINGTON — “At some point.” “At the appropriate time.” “When the time
comes.”
On Wednesday, the Federal Reserve’s chairman, Ben S. Bernanke, outlined
a strategy — but not a timetable — for scaling back the extraordinary
measures it began taking in 2007 to prop up the economy as financial
markets teetered on collapse.
The Federal Reserve has eased borrowing by lowering short-term interest
rates to nearly zero and built up a $2.2 trillion balance sheet by
scooping up assets like mortgage-backed securities and vast sums of
Treasury bonds and notes.
Eventually, to avoid inflation, both actions will have to be reined in.
But Mr. Bernanke, in a 10-page statement, provided few hints as to how
long that period will be.
“Although at present the U.S. economy continues to require the support
of highly accommodative monetary policies, at some point the Federal
Reserve will need to tighten financial conditions by raising short-term
interest rates and reducing the quantity of bank reserves outstanding,”
he wrote. “We have spent considerable effort in developing the tools we
will need to remove policy accommodation, and we are fully confident
that at the appropriate time we will be able to do so effectively.”
However, Mr. Bernanke did provide new details of a major concern: how,
as the recovery proceeds, to gradually shrink the balance sheet, which
along with a vast array of assets also includes $1.1 trillion that
banks are holding with the Fed.
Mr. Bernanke suggested that a new policy tool — the interest rate on
excess reserves, which the Fed began paying in October 2008 — would be
a vital part of the Fed’s strategy.
Increasing that interest rate, he said, will have the effect of pushing
up other short-term interest rates, including the benchmark fed funds
rate — the rate at which banks lend to each overnight.
It is even possible, Mr. Bernanke said, that the Fed “could for a time
use the interest rate paid on reserves, in combination with targets for
reserve quantities,” to communicate its policy stance to the markets.
Since 1994, the fed funds rate has been the much-watched centerpiece of
statements by the Federal Open Market Committee, the Fed’s crucial
policy-making arm.
For days, economists have been trying to forecast what Mr. Bernanke
would say about the sequence of steps and the combination of tools the
Fed will use to tighten credit. On that subject, Mr. Bernanke offered
only hints of his thinking.
“One possible sequence would involve the Federal Reserve continuing to
test its tools for draining reserves on a limited basis, in order to
further ensure preparedness and to give market participants a period of
time to become familiar with their operation,” he wrote. “As the time
for the removal of policy accommodation draws near, those operations
could be scaled up to drain more significant volumes of reserve
balances to provide tighter control over short-term interest rates. The
actual firming of policy would then be implemented through an increase
in the interest rate paid on reserves.”
But Mr. Bernanke suggested that “if economic and financial developments
were to require a more rapid exit from the current highly accommodative
policy” — that is, if fears emerge about inflation — the Fed “could
increase the interest rate paid on reserves at about the same time it
commences significant draining operations.”
Along with raising the interest rate on reserves, Mr. Bernanke
discussed three other options for draining reserves. The first involves
reverse repurchase agreements, in which the Fed would sell securities
from its portfolio with an agreement to repurchase them at a later date.
The second involves term deposits — similar to certificates of deposit
— to banks. That would convert part of the banks’ reserves into
deposits that could not be used for short-term liquidity needs and
would not be counted as reserves.
A third tool involves redeeming or selling securities. That strategy
could carry risk, as the Fed’s large portfolio of mortgage-backed
securities is helping to prop up the housing market and keep
mortgage-interest rates low.
Mr. Bernanke did note that the balance sheet would shrink a bit on its
own, over time, as assets like mortgage-backed securities and debt
guaranteed by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are prepaid or mature. “In the
long run, the Federal Reserve anticipates that its balance sheet will
shrink toward more historically normal levels and that most or all of
its security holdings will be Treasury securities,” he wrote.
Mr. Bernanke also reviewed the controversial lending assistance it
extended to “help avoid the disorderly failure” of Bear Stearns, which
was sold to JPMorgan Chase, and the American International Group, which
was bailed out by the government. Mr. Bernanke said that the credit
extended under those arrangements totaled about $116 billion, or about
5 percent of the balance sheet.
“These loans were made with great reluctance under extreme conditions
and in the absence of an appropriate alternative legal framework,” he
said, emphasizing that he did not believe that the loans would result
in any losses to taxpayers.
As part of its special lending programs to inject liquidity into the
market, the Fed modified its discount window — its traditional program
for direct lending to banks — to make terms more generous and to make
nonbanks eligible for borrowing. That effort is winding down, and Mr.
Bernanke said that “before long, we expect to consider a modest
increase in the spread” between the discount rate — the rate at which
the Fed directly lends to banks — and the fed funds rate. He emphasized
the change “should not be interpreted as signaling any change in the
outlook for monetary policy.”
Mr. Benanke’s statement was prepared for a House committee hearing that
had been scheduled for Wednesday but was postponed because of snow. Mr.
Bernanke decided to release the statement anyway.
Also on Wednesday, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas,
Richard W. Fisher, said in a speech that Fed officials had been
“constantly discussing internally the ways and means to shrink our
balance sheet back to historical norms,” trying both to minimize
disruptions to the credit market while avoiding inflationary pressures.
Mr. Fisher focused on the federal deficit, saying that the government’s
borrowing relied on foreign savings and the instability in countries
like Greece. “We cannot count forever on the largess or the misfortune
of others to mask our own imbalances here at home — for fiscal
profligacy in Washington today hinders our ability to address fiscal
challenges tomorrow,” he said.
Mr. Fisher echoed fears expressed by Mr. Bernanke over a proposal in
Congress that would subject the central bank’s monetary policy to
audits by the Government Accountability Office, a move that the Fed
believes would jeopardize its independence.
“As bad as the situation is, I know one thing that would make it worse,
and that is if the Congress took the easy way out by turning to the Fed
to simply print our legislators’ way out of their misery, devaluing the
debt they have incurred through their spendthrift ways,” Mr. Fisher
warned.
Greenspan: U.S. recovery "extremely
unbalanced"
YAHOO
By David Lawder
Feb. 23, 2010
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
said on Tuesday the U.S. economic recovery was "extremely unbalanced,"
driven largely by high earners benefiting from recovering stock markets
and large corporations.
Small businesses and the jobless are still suffering from the aftermath
of a credit crunch that was "by far the greatest financial crisis,
globally, ever" -- including the 1930s Great Depression, said Greenspan
in an address to a Credit Union National Association conference.
"It's really an extraordinarily unbalanced system because we're dealing
with small businesses who are doing badly, small banks in trouble, and
of course there is an extraordinarily large proportion of the
unemployed in this country who have been out of work for more than six
months and many more than a year," said Greenspan, who headed the Fed
from 1987 to 2006.
With both housing starts and auto sales "dead in the water," he said he
thought it would be difficult to make the case that the economy is
poised for a strong rebound.
Greenspan did see signs pointing toward a modest recovery in job
creation, saying that staffing levels at U.S. firms, which were deeply
cut, remain below what is sustainable in the long run. But unemployment
rate could still remain stubbornly high.
"The reason why the unemployment rate is going to be sticky is that as
soon as employment starts picking up, a lot of the people who have not
been seeking jobs are going to come back into the labor force, and they
will keep the official unemployment rate in the 9 percent area,
something like that," Greenspan said.
He also said it was important for U.S. policy makers to prevent
perceived expectations of inflation that could push up yields on
long-term U.S. Treasury securities, which would raise mortgage interest
rates and prevent a recovery in the housing market.
The 10-year Treasury yield is the "one statistic that I watch every
morning and every afternoon," he said.
Mr.
"Irrational Exuberance" himself...
Greenspan says Fed balance sheet an
inflation risk
YAHOO
October 2, 2009
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – Former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan
said on Friday that the Fed risks igniting a burst of inflation if it
does not withdraw its extensive support for the economy at the right
moment.
"You cannot afford to get behind the curve on reining in this
extraordinary amount of liquidity because that will create an enormous
inflation down the road," Greenspan said at a forum hosted by The
Atlantic magazine, the Aspen Institute and the Newseum.
In its battle against the worst financial crisis in 70 years, the Fed
has chopped interest rates to zero and flooded the financial system
with hundreds of billions of dollars in the process. In so doing, it
has more than doubled the size of its balance sheet to over $2 trillion.
The Fed has said that with high unemployment and a record level of
factory idleness, none of the pressures that would ignite inflation is
on the horizon. A government report on Friday that showed a
weaker-than-expected job market in September is likely to provide
additional support for that view.
Greenspan said the economy is "undergoing a disinflationary process,"
and stressed that the Fed faces no urgent need at the moment to unwind
its monetary stimulus.
Still, his comments echo concerns raised by some policymakers who worry
that delays in shrinking the Fed's bloated balance sheet will tempt
fate and recommend action sooner rather than later.
"It's critically important the Fed's doubling of its balance sheet be
reversed," Greenspan said. "If you allow it to sit and fester, it would
create a serious problem.
Greenspan chaired the Fed from 1987 until his retirement in 2006.
Hailed by many as a sage during his Fed tenure for a long period of
prosperity, his legacy has been called into question over the long
period of ultra-low interest rates and the Fed's hands-off approach to
overseeing the financial industry before the global economic crisis.
NY Labor Union Chief to Chair New York Fed
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
August 24, 2009; Filed at 1:42 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON (AP) -- The Federal Reserve Bank of New York has named a top
state labor union official its chairman, the bank announced Monday.
Denis M. Hughes, president of the New York State AFL-CIO, has been
deputy chairman since January 2007. He became acting chairman in May
after the surprise resignation of Stephen Friedman. News reports had
raised questions about Friedman's ties to Goldman Sachs Group Inc.
Hughes, 59, has been a director of the New York Fed since January 2004.
The Fed's Board of Governors appointed him chairman for the remainder
of this year.
The board also designated Lee Bollinger, president of Columbia
University, as vice chairman of the New York Fed for the remainder of
2009. Bollinger, 63, has been a director since January 2007, and was
reappointed for a three-year term beginning Jan. 1, 2010.
On
Washington: U.S. Budget Is
Scrutinized by a Big Creditor
NYTIMES
By DAVID E. SANGER
July 29, 2009
No sooner had President Obama greeted nearly 200 of the bankers,
bureaucrats and policymakers who could make or break his economic plans
on Monday than they started grilling his economic team with the hardest
questions about his economic strategy.
How long are these huge deficits sustainable, they wanted to know. How
long do you keep stimulating the economy, and when do you break for the
exits? If the dollar nosedives compared other major currencies, what’s
the administration’s Plan B?
The questions were mostly asked in Chinese — by a delegation from
Beijing that, diplomatic niceties aside, has come to check in on the
investment of more than $1.5 trillion that China has made in United
States government-issued securities.
“We are concerned about the security of our financial assets,” China’s
assistant finance minister, Zhu Guangyao, said with uncharacteristic
bluntness during a briefing for reporters covering the “U.S.-China
Strategic and Economic Dialogue” on Monday.
It was a comment that underscored how much the global financial crisis
has changed the subtle balance of power in meetings of “the G-2,” the
shorthand now used to describe sessions between the world’s largest
economy and its fastest-rising economic power. Gone, probably forever,
are the days when American delegations would show up in Beijing with
advice about how the Chinese could become a “responsible stakeholder”
in the world — the phrase coined by the Bush administration. The
demands that the Chinese let their currency appreciate, clean up their
banks or get rid of the subsidies for state-owned enterprises have been
toned down.
You do not talk to your biggest creditor that way — especially when you
have a record-sized loan application pending.
Throughout the two-day conference, which ends Tuesday, the subtext has
been that Mr. Obama must persuade more than just Blue Dog Democrats,
moderate Republicans and skeptical economists that he has a plausible
long-term plan to bring down a record-breaking federal deficit. He also
has to convince the occupants of the Great Hall of the People, whom he
needed to show up at this week’s $200 billion Treasury auction, and the
many auctions that will follow.
They will show up — but the lingering question for the next few years
is how often, and how enthusiastically they will bid.
There is little real danger, despite the periodic warnings from
cable-television doomsayers, that the Chinese will sell off their huge
holdings in American debt. As one senior Chinese official involved in
the country’s investment strategy put it several weeks ago, “As the
biggest holder of Treasuries, we would suffer the most from starting a
panic.” The euro and the yen do not seem especially attractive —
China’s most expensive import is oil, and oil is still priced in
dollars.
But domestic pressure is growing on the Chinese government to proceed
with care. One of the first big investments by China’s state-run
sovereign wealth fund was a $3 billon stake in the Blackstone Group;
when it went sour two years ago, the Chinese press printed angry
screeds about how the government had gambled and lost the country’s
assets.
When Fannie Mae went into freefall last year, Chinese officials were on
the phone to the United States Treasury, demanding an explanation about
how their investment in the mortgage agency’s bonds would be protected.
There were no threats made about the future of Chinese investments in
the United States, but the message was clear. Ultimately, China was
protected when the Bush administration took over control of the housing
lender in September, one of the government’s first steps to try to halt
a broader financial implosion.
Now, with the immediate crisis past, China’s questions have taken a
different turn. The sessions yesterday — attended by the Treasury
secretary, Timothy Geithner; by the chairman of the Federal Reserve,
Ben Bernanke; and by the director of the National Economic Council,
Lawrence H. Summers — were dominated by questions about how quickly the
United States could halt the huge deficit spending.
“I think there were serious questions about what the economic outlook
is, what our plans are for withdrawing some of the stimulus — you know,
when we think the right time to do that is, to bring our fiscal deficit
down to a sustainable level,” the Treasury’s coordinator for China
affairs, David Loevinger, said on Monday evening.
The administration, Mr. Loevinger said, brought along Peter Orszag, the
budget director, to make the case to the Chinese. He “was very clear —
and he was also backed up by Summers on this — that the fiscal stimulus
we’ve put in place was necessary and it’s the right thing and it’s
designed to extend through 2011, but it’s not sustainable at the
current rate and that we’re committed by the end of the Obama
administration to bring it down to a sustainable level,” he said.
Even five years ago, it would have been hard to imagine any
administration trotting out its budget director to justify fiscal
strategy to the Chinese. But as Mr. Obama said, slightly amending a
phrase that once was commonly used to describe the United States-Japan
relationship, the interchange between the America and China now is as
“important as any bilateral relationship in the world.”
Mr. Obama has a big agenda for it — joint action on global warming, on
containing North Korea and Iran, on nudging the Chinese away from their
neuralgic views of Taiwan and Tibet. So far the Chinese have insisted
that they have no plans to use their financial leverage to influence
American policy — just as Mr. Obama has said he will not use the
government’s role as the majority shareholder in General Motors to
dictate what kind of cars the company makes.
Skeptics abound on both pledges. Financial crises can change the
balance of power as surely as wars do — but it may be a few years
before we know how that power is employed.
SEC
Top Examiner Lori Richards to
Leave Agency
By REUTERS
Filed at 3:44 p.m. ET
July 8, 2009
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission's
top inspector and examiner, Lori Richards, plans to leave the agency
August 7, the SEC said on Wednesday.
Richards, director of the compliance inspections and examinations unit
since it was created in 1995, leaves after a controversial year in
which her division and the SEC enforcement unit were accused of failing
to spot Bernard Madoff's $65 billion investment fraud.
The division was created under former Chairman Arthur Levitt and has
been criticized for being unable to respond effectively to the changes
on Wall Street.
Richards has spent more than two decades at the SEC in various
capacities including administrator for the agency's enforcement program
in Los Angeles and senior adviser to Levitt.
Richards, who will be taking some time to explore "new opportunities,"
said she first started talking about leaving in May but wanted to stay
to implement changes to her division.
Those changes include improving the tools available to examiners to
detect fraud and improving surveillance and risk-based targeting, as
well as examiners' training and expertise in fraud detection, among
other things.
When asked whether any of the criticism played a part in her decision
to leave, Richards said: "Absolutely not."
"I have been focused for 14 years on making the exam program as
vigorous as it could possibly be to provide oversight of the securities
industry," Richards said in an interview.
The division's associate director and chief counsel John Walsh will
serve as its acting director when Richards leaves.
Friedman Resigns as Chairman of New
York Fed
NYTIMES
May 7, 2009, 5:57 pm
Stephen Friedman, the chairman of the New York Federal Reserve Board,
abruptly resigned on Thursday, days after questions arose about his
ties to Goldman Sachs.
Mr. Friedman was chairman of the New York Fed at the same time he was a
member of Goldman’s board. He also had a substantial stake in the firm
as the Fed was crafting a solution to keep Wall Street banks afloat.
Denis M. Hughes, deputy chair of the board, will take over as the
interim chairman, the New York Fed said in a statement. (Read Mr.
Friedman’s letter after the jump.)
Because the New York Fed approved a request by Goldman to become a bank
holding company, the chairman’s involvement in Goldman was a violation
of Fed policy, The Wall Street Journal said in an article earlier this
week.
The New York Fed asked for a waiver, which, after about two and a half
months, the Fed granted, the newspaper said. During that time, Mr.
Friedman bought 37,300 more Goldman shares in December, which have
since risen $1.7 million in value.
In his resignation letter, Mr. Friedman said his public service on the
board was being characterized as “improper” despite his compliance with
the rules. “The Federal Reserve System has important work to do and
does not need this distraction,” he said.
“With respect to Steve’s purchases of Goldman shares in December of
2008 and January of 2009, which have been the object of some attention
lately, it is my view that these purchases did not violate any Federal
Reserve statute, rule or policy,” Thomas C. Baxter, the general counsel
of the New York Fed, said in a statement. “I enjoyed working with
Steve, and will miss his contributions in the boardroom.”
Many voices
on these matters

Bernanke’s
Exit Dilemma: Does anyone really believe the Fed will contract
the money supply as the economy starts to show growth?
The Wall Street Journal
By GEORGE MELLOAN
AUGUST 4, 2009, 12:41 A.M. ET
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke assured readers of this page
(“The Fed’s Exit Strategy,” July 21) that he has the tools to prevent
the huge reserves he’s pumped into the banks from generating an
inflation that would abort an economic recovery.
But does the Fed have the guts to use those tools? Will it risk censure
from Congress and the Obama administration if it tightens money at the
crucial juncture when inflationary omens accompany a reviving economy?
Mr. Bernanke signaled the probable choice by writing that “economic
conditions are not likely to warrant tighter monetary policy for an
extended period.”
The Fed’s past record of judging when and how to use its tools for
regulating the money supply is not impressive, particularly in times of
economic distress. Its financing of large federal deficits in the
mid-1970s sent inflation up to an annual rate approaching 15% before
Jimmy Carter repented in October 1979 and installed Paul Volcker at the
Fed with orders to kill the monster.
More recently, the Fed’s continued easing of interest rates during the
2003 economic recovery created the credit bubble that collapsed last
year with such devastation.
The Fed’s difficulties in getting money policy right stretch back to
its creation in 1913. In 1930 it starved the banks, creating a string
of failures that worsened the effects of the 1929 stock market crash.
In 1937, it starved them again, contributing to a prolongation of the
Depression that had been manufactured in Washington by the clumsy
taxation and interventionist policies of Herbert Hoover and FDR.
To be sure, the Fed has had its good years. It financed the 20-year
period of low-inflation growth and prosperity that began in 1983 when
the Reagan tax cuts became fully effective.
View Full Image
melloan
Getty Images
melloan
melloan
But because of its often self-contradictory double mandate to promote
both monetary stability and full employment—plus the rap it has taken
from economists like Mr. Bernanke for stinginess in the 1930s—it often
overreacts to recessions with excessive generosity. With its
federal-funds interest rate target at near zero, the spigots are now
wide open. And as Mr. Bernanke promises, they will likely remain that
way for an “extended period.”
Quite apart from the question of the Fed’s will, there is another large
issue. Mr. Bernanke’s assurances to the contrary, there can be doubts
about whether his tools are really adequate to deal with the powerful
inflationary pressures the politicians are in the midst of creating in
the form of a mountainous and rising federal deficit.
Mr. Bernanke showed that he is well aware of that danger when, in his
semiannual report to Congress on July 21, he pleaded with that body to
bring the deficit under control. The federal budget deficit is
projected at an incredible $1.8 trillion for the fiscal year ending
Sept. 30, almost half of proposed federal spending. The Treasury’s
financing needs will be even higher than that when you count in the
various “investments” the government has made in auto, housing and
other dubious ventures.
But the day after he issued that plea, President Barack Obama was
pleading with the American people to support his nationalized health
plan. This plan would yet add hundreds of billions more to the deficit.
The Fed has been financing a significant part of the government’s
profligacy, and it is riding a runaway horse. Even if it has the means
to cope with present financing needs, will it be able to do so when,
and if, the economy actually recovers and it has to finance both a
recovery and a spending-crazed government?
Martin Hutchinson, a former merchant banker who blogs as “Prudent
Bear,” wrote in May that the German Weimar Republic was monetizing 50%
of government expenditure when it brought on the ruinous hyperinflation
that destroyed the mark in the early 1920s. The Fed in May 2009 had
monetized 15% of federal expenditures over the preceding six
months—well short of the rate that destroyed the German economy, but
not negligible.
The Treasury (and Congress) has been depending on the Fed’s massive
buying of Treasury bonds to keep the government’s financing costs
within reasonable bounds—as weakening international demand puts
downward pressure on bond prices and upward pressure on the interest
rate the Treasury must pay. The yield on the 10-year Treasury bond is
below where it was a few weeks ago but well above early this year when
investors world-wide were seeking the safety of U.S. Treasurys. Even
massive Fed support hasn’t been enough to prevent slippage in bond
prices this year.
The Fed has more than doubled the size of its balance sheet in the last
year to over $2 trillion. As of July 30, it held $695 billion in
Treasurys, up $216 billion from a year earlier. In addition, it has
added nearly half a trillion of mortgage-backed securities it purchased
to keep Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, now wards of the government, afloat.
Adjusted reserve balances of member banks exploded in late 2008,
soaring to $950 billion from $100 billion in four months as the Fed has
pumped liquidity into the banking system. They peaked at nearly $1
trillion in May. The reserves provide banks with a shield against runs
but they also are high-octane fuel for bank lending, which means they
can touch off another credit bubble, and the accompanying inflation,
when credit demand picks up again.
In his Journal op-ed, Mr. Bernanke listed ways he can keep this monster
in check. The Fed can pay interest on the bank reserves it holds. This
would lessen the incentive of banks to find private borrowers and keep
some reserves out of the credit stream, damping inflation potential.
But the net effect would be to add still more liquidity to the system,
which would run counter to the longer-term goal of mopping up liquidity.
He said that the Fed could also sell securities to the banks with an
agreement to repurchase them, but these “reverse repos” would only mop
up liquidity temporarily.
The standard way for the Fed to soak up liquidity, mentioned last on
Mr. Bernanke’s list, is to sell Treasurys to the banks. That would draw
down bank reserves and reduce their inflationary potential. Under the
Basel I international banking rules, Treasurys are zero-risk
investments and don’t have to be matched at 8% of their value with
additional capital, as does private lending.
With the huge volume of Treasury financing coming down the road, the
Fed will have plenty of bonds to sell (it already has, in fact). But
the Fed buys Treasurys primarily by creating new money, or in other
words by inflating the money supply. Will it have the nerve or even the
capacity to “sterilize” inflation by reselling the bonds to soak up
bank liquidity? Again, there are those political pressures. Will the
Fed’s admittedly bright money managers be able to strike a balance
between warding off inflation and leaving the banks with sufficient
liquidity to finance an economic recovery?
As to that huge volume of mortgage-backed securities the Fed is now
holding, what is to be done with them? They are “toxic,” which is why
the Fed bought them as a means of keeping Fannie and Freddie solvent.
They are “guaranteed” by Fannie and Freddie, which means they now are
guaranteed by the U.S. Treasury. So they are yet another liability to
add to all the other liabilities being piled on the Treasury. The Fed
already has financed them once; will it have to finance them again when
they come up for redemption?
In short, there are very good reasons to doubt that the Fed can cope
with the political problems of avoiding inflation. The technical
problems don’t look very easy either.
Mr. Melloan is a former deputy editor of the Journal editorial page.
His book, “The Great Money Binge,” will be published in November by
Simon & Schuster.
Copyright 2009 Dow Jones &
Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved
Cash-Strapped States Turn to Furloughs
NYTIMES
By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE
April 24, 2009
Gay marriages were supposed to start in Iowa this Friday. But because
of a crimped state budget, court employees will be on mandatory
furlough that day and the courts will be closed. Gay couples cannot
start filing for their marriage licenses until Monday.
As they try to cope with gaping budget deficits, at least 15 states
from every region — including Alabama and Georgia; California,
Washington and Arizona; and New York, New Hampshire and Massachusetts —
are in various stages of considering or implementing furloughs.
“This may very well be the most widespread use, or consideration of
use, at least since the emergence of the post-World War II economic
boom,” Robert Bruno, professor of labor relations at the University of
Illinois, Chicago, said of furloughs.
But furloughs can be problematic for states in a way they may not be
for a private company, where demand for a product has dropped.
Government services remain in even greater demand in a weak economy.
Furloughs often mean fewer workers handling a larger load. For
instance, there are already signs of disability claims piling up in
seven states.
“The word ‘furlough’ sounds nice and fluffy, like, ‘This isn’t painful,
we aren’t doing layoffs,’ ” said Hetty Rosenstein, director of the
largest state-worker union in New Jersey, where an appeals court last
week upheld a plan to make state workers take two furlough days by June
30, the end of the fiscal year, and 12 more in the next fiscal year.
“But,” Ms. Rosenstein added, “furloughs are fundamentally a cut in pay.
And furloughs are a cut in service. If you don’t have people working,
the work isn’t going to magically get done.”
The longest state furloughs so far appear to be 24 days in Alabama, the
same number proposed in Minnesota.
Private companies, too, are increasingly turning to furloughs as they
try to ride out the recession; a Watson Wyatt survey released this week
found that 17 percent of 141 companies surveyed had imposed furloughs
in April, up from 11 percent in February.
But with state and local governments, furloughs can affect critical
services like police and fire protection, prison guard duty and
hospital care. States and local governments have to select which
workers they furlough, which can undermine the idea that furloughs
spread the pain equally.
For the most part, it is too soon to judge the impact of furloughs on
the delivery of public services, but there are early signs of a ripple
effect.
One stark example has been in the Social Security Administration, a
program paid for by the federal government but administered by state
workers. Officials said earlier this month that in seven states, 2,700
of those workers had been furloughed, further delaying the processing
of tens of thousands of disability claims, which already take an
average of 488 days to resolve.
In California, services in several counties were already curbed due to
layoffs before the state instituted furloughs for the first time in its
history in February, when it ordered 90 percent of its 238,000
employees to take off two days of unpaid leave per month.
Now, at the Orange County Social Services Agency, Herman Martinez, an
eligibility specialist and president of the local unit of the American
Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, said the agency
cannot keep up with applications for public assistance, which have only
grown in the economic downturn. “It’s a whole can of worms for us to
try to service the most needy and vulnerable clients,” Mr. Martinez
said.
In Iowa, furloughs have delayed the start of gay marriages by only one
business day but they have also reduced the time that the public has
access to the courts. All courts are closed every other Friday through
June, which means clerks are falling behind in their case loads. To
help them make up for lost time, their offices are closed to the public
early on Tuesdays and Thursdays.
“That gives them an opportunity to catch up with paperwork, but it
further limits access of the public to the court,” said Steve Davis, a
spokesman for the state’s Supreme Court.
Furloughs allow companies and agencies to keep valued employees, are
easier and faster to implement than layoffs and are not as
demoralizing, analysts say. Workers often accept them because they are
presented as the only alternative to layoffs, although some unions
resist.
In New Jersey, the state worker unions are angry that they did not have
the chance to negotiate the furlough package, which was imposed
unilaterally, as it was in California.
“Conditions have gotten so hard that employees who would have been less
inclined to accept furloughs have a sense that there’s a permanent
economic restructuring going on, something deeper and more lasting, and
that means employees have fewer options,” said Mr. Bruno, the
labor-relations professor. “The power has shifted to the employer, and
employees are more desperate.” While employees often worry that
furloughs will not actually prevent layoffs, some have been able to
negotiate better job security. In Connecticut, state union leaders have
tentatively agreed to unpaid furloughs as part of a package that would
guarantee no layoffs for two years. In New York, Gov. David A. Paterson
has said that if the state employee unions do not agree to proposed
furloughs and pay cuts, he will lay off some 9,000 of the state’s
200,000 workers.
Utah has found an alternative to furloughs. State workers there have
been on a mandatory four-day work-week since August as a way to cut
energy costs. Salaries have not been cut because offices are open an
hour earlier and close an hour later.
“We’re just repacking how we do the 40 hours,” said Jeff Herring,
Utah’s executive director of human resources. But he said the move had
reduced costs in many ways; overtime payments and absenteeism are down,
for example, and online services have been expanded, which has cut the
waiting time at places like the Department of Motor Vehicles. Employee
morale is up, internal surveys say. But the energy savings has not been
as great as anticipated.
President Obama’s stimulus package could eventually relieve some of the
pressure on state budgets. But for now, states are relying more on
furloughs, though their long-term value is still being assessed.
“Furloughs can save you money and help you avoid layoffs, at least
initially,” said Alan Ehrenhalt, editor of Governing magazine. “But
employees do lose income, services are disrupted, and it turns out you
can’t really close all the things on Friday you thought you could, so
the savings aren’t as great. And you’re not solving any long-term
problem.”
Democrats
Try Trickle-Down Economics: Growing government won't stimulate the real
economy.
Wall Street Journal
By KARL ROVE
Feb. 5, 2009
As a presidential candidate, Barack Obama attacked "trickle
down economics" as "bankrupt" and an "old, discredited" philosophy that
"didn't work." He was wrong. Even worse, though, is that he and
congressional Democrats are embracing a Democratic version of
trickle-down economics that won't work.
It's embodied in the House-passed "stimulus" bill, H.R. 1, whose deeply
flawed assumption is that spending $1 trillion to grow government will
trickle down to help people who lost jobs. The Democrats' spending is
horribly mismatched with industries that have suffered job loss.
Since December 2007, Americans lost 791,000 jobs in manufacturing,
681,000 jobs in professional and business services, 632,000 jobs in
construction, 522,000 jobs in retail, 167,000 jobs in hospitality, and
576,000 jobs in the rest of the service industry. It would be logical
for policy makers to focus on job creation in these sectors.
Instead, Democrats want to spend $88 billion to increase the federal
share of Medicaid. What American will be hired by a small business,
factory, retail shop, hotel, restaurant or service company because of
this spending? The answer is very few.
In H.R. 1, there's $41 billion set aside for school districts, $1.5
billion for university research grants, $2 billion for Energy
Department labs, and $3 billion for the National Science Foundation.
Yet education is one of the few sectors that added jobs last year.
There's also $4 billion for health programs like obesity control and
smoking cessation, $2 billion for the National Institutes of Health,
$462 million for the Centers for Disease Control, and $900 million for
pandemic flu preparations. Health care also added jobs last year.
It is not surprising that the stimulus package is laden with new
spending programs. Congressional appropriators, not job creators, wrote
H.R. 1. Much of it is spending Democrats couldn't get approved in the
normal course of affairs. And it should not shock Americans that
Democratic appropriators would funnel tax dollars to the Association of
Community Organizations for Reform Now, unions and other liberal
special interests. Putting budgets of political allies above the
budgets of struggling families is apparently the new Democratic
trickle-down economics.
Mr. Obama has only his own lack of engagement and leadership to blame.
He outsourced the drafting of the bill to House Appropriations
Committee Chairman David Obey through inaction. He refused to get his
administration's hands dirty in crafting the legislation by laying out
a detailed plan in December. Then saying he looked forward to Congress
passing a bill for him to sign on Inauguration Day was an invitation
for liberal spenders to roll him. They did.
The package's size is disturbing. The federal government's
discretionary, nonsecurity spending was $391 billion in fiscal 2008 and
$393 billion was requested for this fiscal year. H.R. 1 contains $317
billion in additional fiscal 2009 discretionary nonsecurity spending.
If passed, this 81% increase would be history's largest.
Nor will Democrats treat this additional spending as a one-time
expense. They'll simply start next year's budget writing with a new
baseline of $712 billion for the federal government's discretionary
domestic budget, nearly doubling it in just a year. This is only part
of the Democrats' spending damage. In H.R. 1, they also add $308
billion in new "mandatory" spending (for entitlement programs), which
would help produce a 25% increase in 2009, the largest increase in
mandatory spending in more than three decades.
And later...http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/04/business/04pay.html?scp=1&sq=limit%20on%20salaries&st=cse
Obama Calls Wall Street Bonuses
‘Shameful’
NYTIMES
By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG
January 30, 2009
WASHINGTON — President Obama fired a warning shot at Wall Street on
Thursday, branding bankers “shameful” for giving themselves $18.4
billion in bonuses as the economy was spinning out of control and the
government was spending billions to bail out many of the nation’s most
prominent financial firms.
Speaking from the Oval Office with Treasury Secretary Timothy F.
Geithner by his side, Mr. Obama lashed out at the industry over a
report, compiled by the New York State comptroller, Thomas P. DiNapoli,
which found that over all, financial executives received the same level
of bonuses as they had in 2004, when times were more flush.
It was a pointed and unusual flash of anger — if a premeditated one —
from the president, and it suggested that he intended to use his
platform to take a hard line against excesses in executive compensation.
“That is the height of irresponsibility,” Mr. Obama said angrily. “It
is shameful, and part of what we’re going to need is for folks on Wall
Street who are asking for help to show some restraint and show some
discipline and show some sense of responsibility.
“The American people understand that we’ve got a big hole that we’ve
got to dig ourselves out of, but they don’t like the idea that people
are digging a bigger hole even as they’re being asked to fill it up,”
Mr. Obama said, adding that “there will be time for them to make
profits and there will be time for them to make bonuses. Now is not
that time.”
News of the report, and Mr. Obama’s remarks, came a day after the
president met privately at the White House with business leaders,
including Richard D. Parsons, the new chairman of the board of
Citigroup. This week, Citigroup, which received an infusion of taxpayer
money last year, canceled its plans, at the administration’s urging, to
buy a $50 million business jet.
Mr. Obama did not spare the company in his remarks on Thursday,
although he did not mention Citi by name. “Secretary Geithner already
had to pull back on one institution that had gone forward with a
multimillion-dollar plane it purchased at the same time as they are
receiving TARP money,” he said, using the acronym for the government’s
$700 billion Troubled Assets Relief Program, intended to rescue shaky
financial firms. “We shouldn’t have to do that, because they should
know better.”
Mr. DiNapoli’s report was compiled based on the annual December-January
bonus season, mostly through personal income tax collections. In an
interview published on Thursday, he said it was unclear if banks had
used taxpayer money for bonuses.
“The issue of transparency is a significant one,” Mr. DiNapoli said in
the interview, “and there needs to be an accounting about whether there
was any taxpayer money used to pay bonuses or to pay for corporate jets
or dividends or anything else.”
Earlier Thursday, the White House press secretary, Robert Gibbs, said
Mr. Obama had a one-word reaction to the report: “Outrageous.” He
announced in advance that Mr. Obama would put forth his views in
person, which he did at the end of a meeting with Mr. Geithner.



Earlier
photo, in flusher times, of Rubin and Greenspan...and
in 2009, Greenspan and
Geithner (pictured at right, replace his photo for Rubin) on
evaluation of the situation.
Talking Business...New York and London: Twins in Finance and Folly
NYTIMES
By JOE NOCERA
May 9, 2009
London
I can’t tell you how many times I heard the words “Glass-Steagall” here
this week.
“Should we have a new Glass-Steagall?” asked Liam Halligan, the chief
economist with Prosperity Capital Management, a London-based asset
manager, who also writes a weekly column for The Telegraph. He felt
very strongly that the answer was yes.
“We’ll see a Glass-Steagall-like environment,” predicted Michael
Spencer, the billionaire founder of ICAP, a large interdealer broker
whose headquarters is in the City of London.
“We need to bring back Glass-Steagall,” said Terry Smith, the chief
executive of Tullett Prebon, another big interdealer broker.
Every time I heard the phrase, it caught me up short. Glass-Steagall,
of course, was an American law passed during the Depression to separate
investment banking and commercial banking. It was dismantled 66 years
later, in 1999, because it was viewed by the American political
establishment, starting with Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, as an
outmoded relic of an earlier age. Glass-Steagall never existed in
Britain.
And it wasn’t just Glass-Steagall that kept coming up in conversations
here. Londoners were conversant with the ins and outs of the stress
tests and President Obama’s recovery plan. They knew that
Representative Barney Frank was busy reining in bonuses. They had
opinions on how Timothy F. Geithner, the Treasury secretary, was doing.
No matter how much I pressed people to talk about how London was
dealing with the financial crisis, they kept turning the conversation
back to America. What kind of regulations were likely to emerge? Was
the American banking system going to shrink? And so on.
All of which served as a useful reminder that, for all the talk in
recent years about whether the City of London was “overtaking” Wall
Street as the world’s financial capital, they have really become one
and the same. All the big financial institutions operate in both places
— with surprisingly little distinction between what the London office
does and what the United States office does. The financial products
unit of the American International Group traded credit-default swaps in
both Wilton, Conn., and London, for instance.
Hedge funds are as large a part of the financial world in the City of
London as they are on Wall Street. Banks in London chased the same
deals, hired the same traders and followed the same business practices
as their American competitors. “The right way of thinking about New
York and London is that they are Siamese twins,” said Martin Wolf, the
economics columnist for The Financial Times. “They were the same
institutions doing the same things with the same set of regulations.”
Which is why it is only natural that Londoners would be closely
tracking America’s response to the crisis — and thinking about whether
old laws like Glass-Steagall should be revived. Because it turns out
that, having hitched its wagon to Wall Street more than a decade ago,
the City of London cannot afford to untether itself. It simply has too
much at stake.
•
I had heard, before coming here, that the mood in London was darker
than it is in New York, but I didn’t really find that to be the case.
Like us, Londoners are starting to wonder, ever so cautiously, whether
the worst is over. People talked about consuming less conspicuously and
saving more. Although plenty of financial executives have lost their
jobs, I also met a man named Michael Tory, who went down with the ship
at Lehman Brothers in London and has now co-founded a new advisory
business, Ondra Partners.
“There has been a profound inversion,” he said. “People have lost faith
in the large firms, and now any start-up is viewed as lower risk.”
Well, maybe. Certainly, he was as optimistic as anyone I’ve met in
finance this year. And there was still a lot of deal-making in the air.
Whereas American anger is mostly reserved for the banking industry, the
British are primarily angry at their politicians. People are
dumbfounded at the risks their banks took, and stunned that some of
them have needed huge government bailouts — unlike with us, bank
failure is almost completely foreign to their experience.
But they also feel the path to ruin was paved by the country’s
regulators. These days, the reputation of the former chancellor of the
Exchequer, Gordon Brown, who presided over the bubble when Tony Blair
was prime minister, is as tattered as that of Alan Greenspan, the
former Federal Reserve chairman. The difference is that Mr. Greenspan
is retired — while Mr. Brown is the current prime minister.
“Since 1997, the City has been a metaphor for New Labor,” said Philip
Augar, author of “Chasing Alpha,” a book that chronicles the events
that led to the financial crisis in London. (Labor took power in 1997.)
At the time, he said, the asset management business was struggling,
mired in a series of scandals, and there was fear in the City that Mr.
Blair’s Labor Party would make things worse. But that didn’t happen.
“Gordon Brown instituted a lot of pro-City policies,” Mr. Augar said.
“He cut the capital gains tax. He combined about nine different
regulators into the F.S.A.” — the Financial Services Authority — “which
adopted something it called ‘proportional regulation.’ ” Mr. Brown
himself had a more apt phrase: “light touch regulation,” he called it.
In other words, he consciously aligned regulation in Britain with the
free-market, deregulatory approach being promoted by Mr. Greenspan and
Mr. Rubin.
Mr. Augar says he believes that the regulatory environment helped bring
about the “Americanization” of the City of London, and that it was
ultimately ruinous. All the big American investment banks raced to
London — which they saw as a place to do business not just in Britain
but all over the Continent. After the abolition of Glass-Steagall, the
commercial banks came roaring in as well.
British banking had for hundreds of years been a safe, even stodgy
business — even during the Depression, banks remained relatively
healthy. But in their desire to compete with the American invaders,
banks like the Royal Bank of Scotland transformed themselves into
turbo-charged, high-growth institutions, just like our own. They traded
mortgage-backed securities, made unwise loans, did deals for the deal’s
sake and not necessarily for the sake of the client, and used
credit-default swaps to lower regulatory capital requirements to absurd
levels. Finance became the dog instead of the tail.
Needless to say, not everyone agrees with Mr. Augar’s thesis. A number
of people pointed, in particular, to the Royal Bank of Scotland, which,
in addition to its poor lending, did itself in by buying the Dutch bank
giant ABN Amro at the very peak of the market. “Was Royal Bank of
Scotland buying ABN an example of the American disease?” asked Alan
Gemes, the global head of financial services for the consulting firm
Booz & Company. “No. American banks and U.K. banks fell prey to the
same problem.”
But I would argue that, even if there weren’t any Americans on the
premises, the Royal Bank of Scotland did indeed get caught up in the
Americans’ game. The ABN Amro deal sounds to me just like the Bank of
America-Merrill Lynch deal. Had the ethos of the City of London not
changed so drastically, it would never have made so foolish a deal.
Now, of course, Britain is paying the price. The Royal Bank of Scotland
has been partly nationalized, and the government has spent billions of
pounds propping up the banking system. The country is drowning in debt.
Mr. Brown’s Labor government is running large deficits in an effort to
stimulate the economy.
If that, too, sounds like the response of the Obama administration to
the financial crisis, it is indeed quite similar. Here’s the big
difference. New York is a big city in a big country, and our national
banks, as big as they are, are much smaller as a percentage of gross
domestic product. London is a big city in a small country, and during
the bubble, its banks became truly immense, outsize really, given the
size of the country they operated in.
•
Royal Bank of Scotland grew from a regional Scottish bank to the
largest bank in the world by assets — some $3.8 trillion. Citigroup’s
assets, by comparison, were a “mere” $2.2 trillion — and for that
matter, the gross domestic product of all of Britain itself is only
$2.1 trillion. The big banks combined probably had five times the asset
base of the country’s G.D.P.
So everything the government does in response to the crisis has larger
potential consequences — a greater likelihood of inflation down the
line, and a far higher level of debt as a percentage of G.D.P. Because
the City of London was such an outsize source of tax revenue, the
subsequent hit to the tax rolls has been worse. British taxpayers are
much more likely to be paying for generations to atone for the sins of
light-touch regulation. No wonder Mr. Brown is in so much political
trouble.
Which brings me back to Glass-Steagall. In any banking crisis, said Mr.
Gemes, the Booz & Company consultant, banks revert to being
national institutions rather than international ones. In the United
States, the political focus, for instance, is on persuading banks to
start lending to American companies. In London, the big British banks
have all tempered their once grandiose ambitions, at least for now.
But Glass-Steagall? It is highly unlikely that Britain would ever take
such a drastic step. Just a few days ago, Barclays reported profits
that were almost entirely attributable to its new investment banking
division — the one it bought from the ashes of Lehman Brothers.
Besides, although no one will say this out loud, Britain can’t regulate
unilaterally anymore — it is simply too dependent on American
institutions. Its regulatory response will be to mimic whatever the
Obama administration decides to do.
“If regulation is transformed in London it is because of what the U.S.
does,” Mr. Wolf said. “The U.S. will say, ‘You are to follow us.’ We
now have no regulatory autonomy.”
It’s tough being a Siamese twin.
Rubin
Is Stepping Down at Citigroup
NYTIMES
By ERIC DASH
January 10, 2009 - a day ahead
Robert E. Rubin, the former Treasury secretary who is an influential
director and senior adviser at Citigroup, will step down after coming
under fire for his role in the bank’s current troubles, the bank
confirmed Friday.
Since joining Citigroup in 1999 as an adviser to the bank’s senior
executives, Mr. Rubin, 70, who is an economic adviser on the transition
team of President-elect Barack Obama, has sat atop a bank that has made
one misstep after another.
When he was Treasury secretary during the Clinton administration, Mr.
Rubin helped loosen Depression-era banking regulations that made the
creation of Citigroup possible. During the same period he helped beat
back tighter oversight of exotic financial products, a development he
had previously said he was helpless to prevent.
“This is not a decision that I have come to lightly,” Mr. Rubin said in
a statement from the bank. “But as I enter my 70’s and with all that is
now in place at Citi, I believe the time has come for me to make these
changes.”
Mr. Rubin has moved seamlessly between Wall Street and Washington.
After making his millions as a trader and an executive at Goldman
Sachs, he joined the Clinton administration.
As chairman of Citigroup’s executive committee, Mr. Rubin was the
bank’s resident sage, advising top executives and serving on the board
while, he insisted repeatedly, steering clear of daily management
issues.
In December, federal regulators approved a radical plan to stabilize
Citigroup in an arrangement in which the government could soak up
billions of dollars in losses at the struggling bank.
The complex plan calls for the government to back about $306 billion in
loans and securities and directly invest about $20 billion in the
company. Under that plan, Citigroup agreed to certain executive
compensation restrictions, which will be reviewed by regulators.
Once the nation’s largest and mightiest financial company, Citigroup
lost 86 percent of its value in the stock market in the last year as
the bank confronted a crisis of confidence.
With more than $2 trillion in assets and operations in more than 100
countries, Citigroup is so large and interconnected that its troubles
could spill over into other institutions. Citigroup is widely viewed,
both in Washington and on Wall Street, as too big to be allowed to
fail.
Biden
Defends Expanded Recovery Plan
NYTIMES
By JACKIE CALMES and BRIAN KNOWLTON
December 22, 2008
WASHINGTON — Vice President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. defended on
Sunday plans for an expanded economic recovery plan against charges it
would unwisely inflate the national deficit, saying bluntly that the
incoming administration’s first and most urgent goal was “keeping the
economy from absolutely tanking.”
Faced with worsening forecasts for the economy, President-elect Barack
Obama is expanding his economic recovery program and will seek to
create or save 3 million jobs in the next two years, up from a goal of
2.5 million jobs set just last month, several advisers to Mr. Obama
said Saturday.
Mr. Obama and Mr. Biden had spoken during the presidential campaign of
a stimulus plan worth perhaps $150 billion to $200 billion. Now, Mr.
Biden confirmed: “There’s going to be real significant investment,
whether it’s $600 billion, or more or $700 billion. The clear notion
is, it’s a number no one thought about a year ago.”
What had changed, he said on ABC’s “This Week,” was that “the economy
is in much worse shape than we thought.” He said that economists of all
stripes agreed that “the scope of this package has to be bold; it has
to be big.”
Yet, even Mr. Obama’s more ambitious goal would not fully offset as
many as 4 million jobs that some economists are projecting might be
lost in the coming year, according to the information he received from
advisers in the past week. That job loss would be double the total this
year and could push the nation’s unemployment rate past 9 percent if
nothing were done.
The new job target was set after a meeting last Tuesday in which
Christina D. Romer, who is Mr. Obama’s choice to lead his Council of
Economic Advisers, presented information about previous recessions to
establish that the current downturn was likely to be “more severe than
anything we’ve experienced in the past half-century,” according to an
Obama official familiar with the meeting.
Officials said they were working on a plan big enough to stimulate the
economy but not so big to provoke major opposition in Congress. Mr.
Obama’s advisers have projected that the multifaceted economic plan
would cost $675 billion to $775 billion. It would be the largest
stimulus package in memory and would most likely grow as it made its
way through Congress, although Mr. Obama has secured Democratic
leaders’ agreement to ban spending on pork-barrel projects.
Mr. Biden said, as Mr. Obama has before, that the plan will aim not
just to create jobs, but to do so in ways that will benefit the country
over the long term. Examples, he said, would be inbuilding a “smart”
nationwide electric grid that makes it easier to transmit wind- and
solar-generated energy; or in transferring medical data from paper to
electronic form, with near-term costs but long-term savings.
For now, the vice president-elect said, the urgent goal was “to stem
this bleeding” in jobs; the fast-rising deficit would be dealt with
later.
The message from Mr. Obama was that “there was not going to be any
spending money for the sake of spending money,” said Lawrence H.
Summers, who will be the senior economic adviser in the White House.
Mark Zandi, chief economist of Moody’s Economy.com, who was an adviser
to Senator John McCain’s presidential campaign, said, “My advice is,
err on the side of too big a package rather than too little.” In an
interview, Mr. Zandi, who lately has advised Democratic leaders in
Congress, also said he would probably soon raise his own recommendation
of a $600 billion stimulus.
Besides new spending, the Obama plan would provide tax relief for
low-wage and middle-income workers of roughly $150 billion, Democrats
familiar with the proposal said. The government would probably reduce
the withholding of income or payroll taxes so that most workers
received larger paychecks as soon as possible in 2009, an Obama adviser
said.
The sorts of jobs Mr. Obama would propose to create involve
construction work on roads, mass transit projects, weatherization of
government buildings and installation of information technology in
medical facilities, among others.
The outlines for Mr. Obama’s emerging plan, which he is developing in
consultation with Congress, including some Republicans, were mostly
settled last Tuesday when he met for four hours with economic and
policy advisers. Mr. Obama and his family left Saturday for a two-week
vacation in Hawaii, his native state, but the advisers will take his
guidance — including instructions to be “bolder,” according to one —
and complete a draft in time for his return on Jan. 2.
The new Congress convenes on Jan. 6. The House and Senate, with larger
Democratic majorities, will work to pass a bill for Mr. Obama to sign
shortly after his inauguration, on Jan. 20.
The Obama blueprint covers five main areas of spending and tax breaks:
health, education, infrastructure, energy, and support for the poor and
the unemployed.
Mr. Summers said the president-elect set short- and long-term themes in
choosing the plan’s components: “Creating jobs for people who need
them, and doing things that need to be done to lay the foundation for
an economy that works for middle-class families.”
At the meeting on Tuesday, Ms. Romer also laid out recommendations from
private sector analysts and liberal to conservative economists for a
government stimulus that ranged from $800 billion to $1.3 trillion over
two years. Those consulted included Martin Feldstein, a conservative
economist and longtime Republican presidential adviser, who is at the
low end, and Lawrence B. Lindsey, a Federal Reserve governor and Bush
administration economist, who has recommended up to $1 trillion.
Even before the election, Mr. Feldstein was publicly arguing that
whoever was elected should immediately begin working with Congress on a
big spending package. Since then, Mr. Feldstein has also been revising
his assessment upward as the economy weakened further. “Without
action,” he wrote in an e-mail exchange, “the economy will continue to
decline rapidly.”
Many decisions about the details have not been made, or are tentative
pending consultations with Congress. Several hundred billion dollars
could go to states and cities to finance public works and subsidize
their health and education programs so that local governments do not
have to raise taxes and cut essential programs, steps that would be
counterproductive economically.
The Obama team has a list of $136 billion in infrastructure projects
from the National Governors Association that consists mostly of transit
construction but also includes port expansions and renewable energy
programs. For education, besides money to build and renovate schools,
Mr. Obama will call for money to train more teachers, expand early
childhood education and provide more college tuition aid.
Federal money to local governments would come with a “use it or lose
it” clause under Mr. Obama’s plans, advisers say. The president-elect
will also propose to direct some money to public and private
partnerships for major projects like a national energy grid intended to
harness alternative energy sources such as wind power.
For those “most vulnerable” because of the recession, as the Obama team
describes the needy and jobless population, the president-elect will
propose expanding the length of unemployment compensation, as well as
food aid and additional support.
With millions more Americans losing their health care coverage, either
through job losses or because they can no longer afford to pay for
insurance, Mr. Obama will propose major new spending to subsidize
states’ share of Medicaid and their children’s health programs, and to
expand health care coverage for those who lose insurance from their
employers.
Mr. Obama plans a down payment on his campaign promise to help pay for
hospitals and other medical providers to computerize their health
records to save billions in paperwork and administrative costs. He
might also propose subsidies to train more nurses, both to create jobs
now and address a looming shortage in the health professions.
Mr. Obama has spoken in recent days with the Senate majority leader,
Harry Reid, and the House speaker, Nancy Pelosi. Last week, Mr. Reid’s
office sent an e-mail message to senators saying that in conversations
with the Obama transition team, “we have communicated our willingness
to work within these parameters as closely as possible and urge all
offices to do the same.”

2007 hearing before Senate Committee - Countrywide second from
left.
June 5, 2009
S.E.C. Accuses Countrywide’s Ex-Chief of Fraud
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
WASHINGTON — The government is charging Angelo R. Mozilo, the former
chief executive of the mortgage lender Countrywide Financial, and two
other company executives with civil fraud. The Securities and
Exchange Commission said Thursday afternoon that its case also accused
Mr. Mozilo of illegal insider trading. Countrywide was a major player
in the subprime mortgage market, the collapse of which in 2007 touched
off the financial crisis that has gripped the United States and global
economies.
Mr. Mozilo is the highest-profile person to face formal charges from
the federal government in the wake of the crisis. Mr. Mozilo has
denied any wrongdoing. His lawyer did not immediately return an e-mail
message seeking comment Thursday afternoon. Civil fraud charges
were also filed against Countrywide’s former chief operating officer,
David Sambol, and the former chief financial officer, Eric Sieracki.
Paul Kranhold, a spokesman for Mr. Sambol, declined to comment because
he had not seen the charges yet. An e-mail message to Mr. Sieracki’s
lawyer, Shirli Fabbri Weiss, was not immediately returned.
The S.E.C. and federal prosecutors have undertaken wide-ranging
investigations of companies across the financial services industry,
touching on mortgage lenders, the Wall Street investment banks that
bundled home mortgages into securities sold to investors and other
market players. The S.E.C.’s scrutiny of Mr. Mozilo’s stock sales
began in the fall of 2007 with an informal inquiry.
The filing of the agency’s civil lawsuit in federal court in Los
Angeles is a striking turn for Mr. Mozilo, the man who 40 years ago
co-founded what grew into the nation’s largest mortgage lender. He
moved the company in 1969 to suburban Los Angeles from New York,
guiding Countrywide through numerous boom-and-bust housing
cycles. After the mortgage crisis hit, the Calabasas,
Calif.-based Countrywide was forced to cut thousands of jobs and saw
its shares plummet. Its downward spiral ended in it being bought by
Bank of America last July for about $2.5 billion. Countrywide itself is
the target of multiple lawsuits related to the mortgage meltdown.
Mr. Mozilo’s influence stretched from the California real estate market
through the corridors of power in Washington.
The Democrats were roiled a year ago by revelations that Senator
Christopher J. Dodd, the Connecticut Democrat who is chairman of the
Senate Banking Committee, and Senator Kent Conrad, the North Dakota
Democrat who is chairman of the Budget Committee, obtained mortgages at
favorable rates through a V.I.P. program dispensed by Countrywide for
so-called "friends of Angelo."
Mr. Dodd insisted that the controversy over the two loans he received
did not compromise his ability to lead Congress’s efforts to address
the effects of the subprime mortgage meltdown.
Mr. Mozilo sold about $130 million in Countrywide stock in the first
half of 2007 through a prearranged 10b5-1 trading plan. These plans,
popular among corporate executives, allow a company insider to set up a
program in advance for such transactions and proceed with them even if
he or she comes into possession of significant nonpublic information.
North Carolina’s state treasurer, who asked the S.E.C. in 2007 to
investigate Mr. Mozilo’s stock sales, raised questions about changes
made to Mr. Mozilo’s plan in the months before the company’s stock
plunged, which allowed Mr. Mozilo to significantly increase his sales
of Countrywide shares.
Mr. Mozilo had sold company shares through prior arrangements since
2004; the pace of his sales began to quicken in October 2006 when he
put a new plan into effect. Mr. Mozilo has said that he did so to
reduce his stake in Countrywide and diversify his personal investments
in an orderly fashion before his retirement, which was slated for
December 2009.
Inept
Handling Of Conflicts Leave Dodd
Politically Exposed
DAY
By Morgan McGinley
Published on 12/14/2008
For the first time in his Senate career, Christopher J. Dodd, the
senior Democratic senator from Connecticut, is politically vulnerable.
In part, that's because both the Senate Ethics Committee and the Public
Integrity unit of the Justice Department are looking into mortgage
loans he got from Countrywide Financial.
The Justice Department investigation is broader. It seeks details not
just of Dodd's loans but also of other loans made under Countrywide's
VIP program meant to seek better loan terms for FOAs (Friends Of
Angelo, a reference to then-Countrywide company Chairman Angelo
Mozillo). NBC news has reported that the program made mortgage loans to
a variety of politically powerful Washington insiders over a number of
years.
Dodd, who is cooperating with the Senate investigation, says he got
market interest rates from Countrywide that were available from other
mortgage companies, that he did not know he was getting any special
treatment and has not met Mozillo . He was just remortgaging because
industry-wide rates had fallen, he says. But the pertinent question for
Dodd, the Senate banking committee chairman and longtime member, is why
in the world he would go for a loan to one of the largest brokers in
the country, a firm selling mortgages to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,
businesses that come under the scrutiny of Dodd's committee?
Why didn't Dodd go to The Savings Institute in his hometown of
Willimantic, or either of the local banks in Norwich, where he started
his political career, or even smaller shoreline banks whose business is
not directly subject to the powerful role of his Senate committee?
And now that he is the subject of an ethics probe, why doesn't
Connecticut's senior senator make available to the public and the media
all the documents relating to his loans from Countrywide? His excuse -
that he is awaiting completion of the Senate Ethics Committee probe -
is a lame one that damages him politically. Dodd's handling of
the matter has involved bad political judgment. The senator
uncharacteristically displays a political tin ear on this issue and he
is paying dearly for his handling of the matter.
First, he denied that he had sought or knew he was getting any
favorable treatment. A week later, he said he knew he was part of
Countrywide's VIP program, but said he thought the arrangement was
“more of a courtesy.”
But Robert Feinberg, a former loan officer for Countrywide in charge of
the company's VIP program, told The Wall Street Journal that he spoke
directly to Dodd and to his wife, indicatating to them that they were
getting a special deal because they were “Friends of Angelo.” Feinberg
said Dodd and his wife got a “float down.” This means that even after
allegedly getting a premium rate, the rate was reduced again without
any additional charge because rates had fallen between the time of the
negotiation and the closing.
Dodd has denied that he and his wife had spoken with Feinberg about
special treatment on the re-mortgaging.
Approval ratings sink
Dodd, for many years the state's most popular politician, saw his
approval rating fall to 51 percent in a Quinnipiac Poll last July. This
is the lowest rating ever for Dodd. Further, 59 percent of those polled
said Dodd's loans from Countrywide deserve more investigation.
Connecticut Democrats say they have fielded a lot of questions from the
public about Dodd's housing loans. Dodd's political exposure is
all the more visible because he has been in the middle of the
congressional group negotiating the bailouts for Wall Street and the
rescue plan for Detroit's automakers. Dodd's efforts to try to
get relief for average Americans on mortgages that were punitive was a
welcomed act, one that failed because of a lack of support from the
Bush administration.
And Dodd may be right on another count, the possible loss of much of
the United States' industrial base if Congress fails to help the
automobile companies. But regardless of the conclusions reached
by the ethics committee or the Justice Department, any political
opponent is certain to resurrect the question of the loans. The
other thing hurting Dodd is that he has received about $13 million in
campaign contributions from financial organizations over the length of
his Senate career, including $6 million in the past several years.
These contributions are legal under the federal rules for campaign
donations, but they could be politically damaging because the public
asks: what is the Senate banking committee chairman doing getting all
this money from financial institutions? The public gets it: the
campaign contribution system involves an inherent conflict of interest
between an elected official's duties and the taking of money from
businesses the politician is regulating.
Eighteen of Dodd's top 20 contributors have been financial
institutions. Dodd himself, questioned by The Hartford Courant about
this potential conflict of interest, said:
”It's an ugly system and I hate it. I never have, nor would I ever let
a campaign contribution affect what I care about. What I champion, how
I vote, how I hold hearings. Ever!”
The investigations now going on may entirely clear Dodd, whose Senate
record has been free of any similar controversy. But what will
remain are his poor judgment regarding loans from Countrywide and his
willingness to take huge amounts of money from an industry his
committee regulates.
Tribune Files for Bankruptcy
NYTIMES
December 8, 2008, 1:55 pm
The Tribune Company filed for bankruptcy protection in a federal court
in Delaware on Monday, as the owner of The Los Angeles Times, The
Chicago Tribune and the Chicago Cubs baseball team struggled to cope
with rising debt and falling ad revenue.
Tribune, which was acquired last year by billionaire real estate
investor Samuel Zell, had hired bankruptcy advisers like Lazard and the
law firm Sidley Austin in recent weeks as it negotiated with creditors
over debt covenants. (Read the bankruptcy petition here.)
It is only the latest — and biggest — sign of duress for the newspaper
industry yet. Several newspaper companies have struggled to cope with
declining revenues and mounting debt woes. Tribune has pared back the
newsrooms of many of its papers, and it sold off Newsday to
Cablevision’s Dolan family earlier this year. It is unclear what
Tribune’s filing means for other newspaper publishers on the brink.
In a court filing, Tribune said it had nearly $13 billion in debt,
compared to $7.6 billion in assets. Most of that debt was taken on when
Mr. Zell acquired the company — a deal he struck using mostly borrowed
money. All of the now privately held company’s equity is owned by an
employee stock-ownership plan.
Tribune has sought to ameliorate its woes by selling off assets like
the Chicago Cubs, but the company still faces a looming debt crunch.
While Tribune must contend with hefty interest payments over the next
year, its most pressing problem was a maintenance covenant on some of
its debt that limits the company’s borrowings to no more than nine
times earnings before interest, depreciation and amortization.
Even if the company continues to make interest payments, failure to
maintain that level of debt means technical default — which does not
always lead to a bankruptcy filing, though in Tribune it apparently
did. Other newspaper publishers have halted making interest payments on
their debt, but have yet to file.
The top creditors listed by Tribune in its court filing include big
banks like JPMorgan Chase, Merrill Lynch and Deutsche Bank. JPMorgan
listed some of the firms it had syndicated its debt to as well; that
list comprises private investment firms like Kohlberg Kravis Roberts’s
KKR Financial, Highland Capital Management and Davidson Kempner Capital
Management.
A CreditSights analyst, Jake Newman, wrote in a research report
published last month that Tribune avoided technical default in the
third quarter partially through some accounting adjustments. “We think
the company will have difficulty meetings its year-end covenant
compliance,” Mr. Newman wrote.
Tribune hired Lazard several weeks ago to assess its options, these
people said. It also hired Sidley, a longtime outside adviser to
Tribune that has a well-respected bankruptcy practice as well.
In its filing Monday, Tribune also said that it has retained Alvarez
& Marsal, a restructuring adviser, as a consultant. Alvarez &
Marsal is also advising Lehman Brothers, the collapsed investment bank
whose filing was the largest corporate bankruptcy in American history.
Tribune’s problems have long been reflected in the price of its bonds.
Tribune bonds maturing Aug. 15, 2010 with a 4.88 percent coupon traded
at $13.25 on Friday, suggesting severe levels of distress.
–Michael J. de la Merced
The
Employment Crash
NYTIMES Editorial
December 7, 2008
The headline numbers in the employment report for November were worse
than dreadful — and they did not reflect the true extent of the weak
and worsening outlook for American jobs.
Employers axed 533,000 jobs last month, the worst monthly loss since
December 1974, bringing the number of lost jobs in the last year to 1.9
million. Worse, two-thirds of the losses were in the past three months,
a sign of an intensifying downturn and of more job cuts ahead.
The unemployment rate for November — which rose to 6.7 percent, or 10.3
million people — also understates the weakness in the job market.
Job loss in a recession is related to the number of jobs created while
the economy was expanding. Job creation during the Bush-era business
cycle was the weakest since the end of World War II, so there are
simply not as many workers to lay off as in past downturns. Instead,
workers’ hours have been cut, sharply increasing the number of people
working part time who want full-time jobs. Involuntary part-timers and
out-of-work people who are discouraged from job hunting because their
prospects are dim are measured in the underemployment rate, which at
12.5 percent is now the highest since the government started keeping
track in 1994.
Joblessness and the threat of joblessness will depress already dismal
consumer spending, which in turn will depress business investment,
leading to higher unemployment. Rising unemployment will also fuel more
foreclosures, which will further destabilize the financial system and
reinforce economic weakness.
One in 10 borrowers in America were either delinquent or in foreclosure
in the third quarter, according to the Mortgage Bankers Association, a
stunning tally that does not even reflect the drag of rising
unemployment in October and November. Unemployment among 25- to
34-year-olds, which includes most first-time homebuyers, is rising
fast. Yet, rather than attack foreclosures directly, the Bush
administration’s latest economic rescue proposal is to try to spur home
buying by reducing mortgage rates. Good luck.
The political reality is that any serious response to unemployment and
foreclosures will probably not occur until the Obama administration
takes over. Members of Congress should be working now on another round
of economic stimulus, consisting of bolstered unemployment compensation
and food stamps and aid to states and localities, including money for
creating jobs by rebuilding the nation’s infrastructure. An
anti-foreclosure plan to rework troubled mortgages en masse is long
overdue and should also be passed, either as part of the stimulus or as
a stand-alone measure.
Beyond stimulus, President-elect Barack Obama will need a larger
recovery plan that puts employment, rising wages and savings at the
center of the agenda. The selection of a strong labor secretary, whose
input will be as valued as that of Mr. Obama’s Wall-Street-oriented
economic advisers, is crucial. The work force needs a champion who has
the president’s full attention.
Consumers
saving up for Xmas?
Consumers Unexpectedly Trimmed
Borrowing in Oct.
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 3:01 p.m. ET
December 5, 2008
WASHINGTON (AP) -- U.S. consumers unexpectedly cut back on their
borrowing in October as the economy sunk deeper into recession.
The Federal Reserve says consumer credit fell at an annual rate of 1.6
percent in October. That compares with a 3.1 percent growth rate logged
in September, and marks the deepest cutback since August.
Economists expected consumers to boost their borrowing by around $2
billion in October from the previous month. Instead, consumer debt
dropped by $3.5 billion to $2.58 trillion.
The Fed's measure of consumer borrowing does not include any debt
secured by real estate, such as mortgage or home equity loans.



Click
above for side comment, then below for our expanation of why the world
is worried - who's going to
buy their STUFF if the US consumer can't or won't?
A Shopping Guernica Captures the Moment
NYTIMES
By PETER S. GOODMAN
November 30, 2008
From the Great Depression, we remember the bread lines. From the oil
shocks of the 1970s, we recall lines of cars snaking from gas stations.
And from our current moment, we may come to remember scenes like the
one at a Long Island Wal-Mart in the dawn after Thanksgiving, when
2,000 frantic shoppers trampled to death an employee who stood between
them and the bargains within.
It was a tragedy, yet it did not feel like an accident. All those
people were there, lined up in the cold and darkness, because of
sophisticated marketing forces that have produced this day now called
Black Friday. They were engaging in early-morning shopping as contact
sport. American business has long excelled at creating a sense of
shortage amid abundance, an anxiety that one must act now or miss out.
This year, that anxiety comes with special intensity for everyone
involved — for shoppers, fully cognizant of the immense strains on the
economy, which has made bargains more crucial than ever; for the
stores, now grappling with what could be among the weakest holiday
seasons on record; and for policy makers around the planet, grappling
with how to substitute for the suddenly beleaguered American consumer,
whose proclivities for new gadgets and clothing has long been the
engine of economic growth from Guangzhou to Guatemala City.
For decades, Americans have been effectively programmed to shop. China,
Japan and other foreign powers have provided the wherewithal to
purchase their goods by buying staggering quantities of American debt.
Financial institutions have scattered credit card offers as if they
were takeout menus and turned our houses into A.T.M.’s. Hollywood and
Madison Avenue have excelled at persuading us that the holiday season
is a time to spend lavishly or risk being found insufficiently
appreciative of our loved ones.
After 9/11, President Bush dispatched Americans to the malls as a
patriotic act. When the economy faltered early this year, the
government gave out tax rebate checks and told people to spend. In a
sense, those Chinese-made flat-screen televisions sitting inside
Wal-Mart have become American comfort food.
And yet the ability to spend is constricting rapidly. Credit card
limits are getting cut. Millions of Americans now owe the bank more
than the value of their homes, making further borrowing impossible. The
banks themselves are hunkered down, just hoping to survive.
Live within our means and save: This new commandment has entered the
conversation, colliding with the deeply embedded imperative to spend.
And yet much of the distress is less the product of extravagance than
the result of the fact that in many households the means are nowhere
near enough for traditional middle-class lives.
Wages for most Americans have fallen in real terms over the last eight
years. Pensions have been turned into 401(k) plans that have just
relinquished half their value to an angry market. Health benefits have
been downgraded or eliminated altogether. Working hours are being
slashed, and full-time workers are having to settle for jobs through
temp agencies.
Indeed, this was the situation for the unfortunate man who found
himself working at the Valley Stream Wal-Mart at 5 a.m. Friday, a temp
at a company emblematic of low wages and weak benefits, earning his
dollars by trying to police an unruly crowd worried about missing out.
In a sense, the American economy has become a kind of piñata —
lots of treats in there, but no guarantee that you will get any, making
people prone to frenzy and sending some home bruised.
It seemed fitting then, in a tragic way, that the holiday season began
with violence fueled by desperation; with a mob making a frantic reach
for things they wanted badly, knowing they might go home empty-handed.
All Fall
Down
NYTIMES
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
November 26, 2008
I spent Sunday afternoon brooding over a great piece of Times reporting
by Eric Dash and Julie Creswell about Citigroup. Maybe brooding isn’t
the right word. The front-page article, entitled “Citigroup Pays for a
Rush to Risk,” actually left me totally disgusted.
Why? Because in searing detail it exposed — using Citigroup as Exhibit
A — how some of our country’s best-paid bankers were overrated dopes
who had no idea what they were selling, or greedy cynics who did know
and turned a blind eye. But it wasn’t only the bankers. This financial
meltdown involved a broad national breakdown in personal
responsibility, government regulation and financial ethics.
So many people were in on it: People who had no business buying a home,
with nothing down and nothing to pay for two years; people who had no
business pushing such mortgages, but made fortunes doing so; people who
had no business bundling those loans into securities and selling them
to third parties, as if they were AAA bonds, but made fortunes doing
so; people who had no business rating those loans as AAA, but made a
fortunes doing so; and people who had no business buying those bonds
and putting them on their balance sheets so they could earn a little
better yield, but made fortunes doing so.
Citigroup was involved in, and made money from, almost every link in
that chain. And the bank’s executives, including, sad to see, the
former Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, were clueless about the
reckless financial instruments they were creating, or were so ensnared
by the cronyism between the bank’s risk managers and risk takers (and
so bought off by their bonuses) that they had no interest in stopping
it.
These are the people whom taxpayers bailed out on Monday to the tune of
what could be more than $300 billion. We probably had no choice. Just
letting Citigroup melt down could have been catastrophic. But when the
government throws together a bailout that could end up being hundreds
of billions of dollars in 48 hours, you can bet there will be
unintended consequences — many, many, many.
Also check out Michael Lewis’s superb essay, “The End of Wall Street’s
Boom,” on Portfolio.com. Lewis, who first chronicled Wall Street’s
excesses in “Liar’s Poker,” profiles some of the decent people on Wall
Street who tried to expose the credit binge — including Meredith
Whitney, a little known banking analyst who declared, over a year ago,
that “Citigroup had so mismanaged its affairs that it would need to
slash its dividend or go bust,” wrote Lewis.
“This woman wasn’t saying that Wall Street bankers were corrupt,” he
added. “She was saying they were stupid. Her message was clear. If you
want to know what these Wall Street firms are really worth, take a hard
look at the crappy assets they bought with huge sums of borrowed money,
and imagine what they’d fetch in a fire sale... For better than a year
now, Whitney has responded to the claims by bankers and brokers that
they had put their problems behind them with this write-down or that
capital raise with a claim of her own: You’re wrong. You’re still not
facing up to how badly you have mismanaged your business.”
Lewis also tracked down Steve Eisman, the hedge fund investor who early
on saw through the subprime mortgages and shorted the companies engaged
in them, like Long Beach Financial, owned by Washington Mutual.
“Long Beach Financial,” wrote Lewis, “was moving money out the door as
fast as it could, few questions asked, in loans built to self-destruct.
It specialized in asking homeowners with bad credit and no proof of
income to put no money down and defer interest payments for as long as
possible. In Bakersfield, Calif., a Mexican strawberry picker with an
income of $14,000 and no English was lent every penny he needed to buy
a house for $720,000.”
Lewis continued: Eisman knew that subprime lenders could be
disreputable. “What he underestimated was the total unabashed
complicity of the upper class of American capitalism... ‘We always
asked the same question,’ says Eisman. ‘Where are the rating agencies
in all of this? And I’d always get the same reaction. It was a smirk.’
He called Standard & Poor’s and asked what would happen to default
rates if real estate prices fell. The man at S.& P. couldn’t say;
its model for home prices had no ability to accept a negative number.
‘They were just assuming home prices would keep going up,’ Eisman says.”
That’s how we got here — a near total breakdown of responsibility at
every link in our financial chain, and now we either bail out the
people who brought us here or risk a total systemic crash. These are
the wages of our sins. I used to say our kids will pay dearly for this.
But actually, it’s our problem. For the next few years we’re all going
to be working harder for less money and fewer government services — if
we’re lucky.
Economy
Faces ‘Significant
Weakness,’ Fed Says
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
November 20, 2008
WASHINGTON (AP) — The
Federal Reserve on Wednesday sharply lowered its projection for
economic activity this year and next, and signaled that additional
interest rate reductions may be needed to help combat the worst
financial crisis in more than a half-century.
With the economy forecast to lose traction, or even jolt into reverse,
unemployment will move higher, the Fed predicted.
Facing the likelihood of “significant weakness” in the economy, some
Fed officials suggested “additional policy easing could well be
appropriate at future meetings,” according to documents from the Fed’s
most recent deliberations on interest rate policy at the end of October.
At that Oct. 29 session, the Fed lowered rates to 1 percent, a level
seen only once before in the last half-century. Many economists predict
the Fed will lower rates again at its last meeting of the year on Dec.
16, to help brace the sinking economy.
Even while hinting that another rate reduction could be forthcoming,
Fed officials worried that the effectiveness of previous rate cuts “may
have been diminished by the financial dislocations, suggesting that
further policy action might have limited efficacy in promoting a
recovery in economic growth,” the documents said.
To help ease financial turmoil and spur banks to lend money more freely
again to customers, the Fed has taken a series of other unprecedented
steps, including offering short-term cash loans and buying mounds of
short-term debt that companies rely on to pay day-to-day expenses like
payrolls and supplies.
Under its new economic forecast, the Fed now believes gross domestic
product could be flat or grow by 0.3 percent this year. G.D.P. could
actually shrink or expand by 1.1 percent next year. Both sets of
projections are lower than the Fed’s forecasts delivered to Congress in
July.
G.D.P. is the value of all goods and services produced within the
United States and is the best measure of the country’s economic health.
These forecasts are based on what the Fed calls its “central
tendencies,” which exclude the highest three forecasts and the lowest
three forecasts made by Fed officials. The Fed also gives a range of
all forecasts that showed some Fed officials projecting a 0.3 percent
dip this year, followed by a deeper 1 percent contraction next year.
The prospects for weaker economic activity will push up unemployment.
The Fed projected that the national unemployment rate will rise to 6.3
percent to 6.5 percent this year. The rate in October was 6.5 percent,
and last year the rate averaged 4.6 percent.
Next year, the Fed expects the jobless rate to climb to be 7.1 percent
to 7.6 percent — also higher than its summer forecast.
Inflation, meanwhile, is expected to be lower this year and next
compared with the Fed’s previous forecast. A global economic slowdown
is sapping demand for energy, food and other commodities, driving down
prices and reducing inflation risks.
Lawmakers Told More Is Needed to Aid Economy
By BRIAN KNOWLTON and JOHN H. CUSHMAN Jr.
November 19, 2008
Top financial officials warned Congress on Tuesday that the economy
continued to need urgent attention, with the credit markets remaining
tight, millions of homeowners sliding toward foreclosure and the
government’s relief payments unlikely to flow into the markets for a
few more months.
Ben S. Bernanke, chairman of the Federal Reserve, described signs of
only modest improvement in the credit markets, warning that “overall,
credit conditions are still far from normal, with risk spreads
remaining very elevated.”
And, in a statement prepared for a hearing Tuesday morning before the
House Committee on Financial Services, he strongly urged banks to
improve the flow of loans to their most creditworthy borrowers.
“There are some signs that credit markets, while still quite strained,
are improving,” Mr. Bernanke said. He pointed to some technical
improvements: banks were charging one another less for short-term
lending; money market mutual funds and the commercial paper market were
stabilizing.
But now that banks’ access to capital had improved, he said, they must
ease their grip on lending. “It is imperative that all banking
organizations and their regulators work together to ensure that the
needs of creditworthy borrowers are met in a manner consistent with
safety and soundness,” Mr. Bernanke said.
At the same hearing, Sheila C. Bair, chairman of the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation, said she planned to continue her campaign to get
relief into the hands of troubled homeowners.
She said a program that her agency had proposed to the Treasury
Department would modify mortgages and ease repayment terms, which could
prevent “as many as 1.5 million avoidable foreclosures by the end of
2009.”
But, in her statement, she also projected a gloomy picture for
foreclosures, saying that over the next two years, four million to five
million mortgage loans will enter foreclosure if nothing is done.
That means that even with the approach she advocates, delinquencies
would continue at about the same rate as in the last year or two.
Appearing along with Ms. Bair and Mr. Bernanke, Treasury Secretary
Henry M. Paulson Jr. said in his prepared testimony that the Bush
administration decided this week to defer reaching much more deeply
into the $700 billion in bailout funds approved by Congress in October
until the next administration takes over Jan. 20.
“If we have learned anything throughout this year,” Mr. Paulson said,
“we have learned that this financial crisis is unpredictable and
difficult to counteract.”
Having spent most of the money provided by Congress, which split the
October package into two equal parts and told the Treasury to come back
for renewed permission to spend the second half, Mr. Paulson said it
would be “only prudent” to reserve the remainder until next year, in
the interest of maintaining “not only our flexibility but that of the
next administration.
Some lawmakers have suggested that some money might be diverted to the
auto industry, an idea that Mr. Paulson has not supported.
Bailout
to Nowhere
NYTIMES
By DAVID BROOKS
Published: November 14, 2008
Not so long ago, corporate giants with names like PanAm, ITT and
Montgomery Ward roamed the earth. They faded and were replaced by new
companies with names like Microsoft, Southwest Airlines and Target. The
U.S. became famous for this pattern of decay and new growth. Over time,
American government built a bigger safety net so workers could survive
the vicissitudes of this creative destruction — with unemployment
insurance and soon, one hopes, health care security. But the government
has generally not interfered in the dynamic process itself, which is
the source of the country’s prosperity.
But this, apparently, is about to change. Democrats from Barack Obama
to Nancy Pelosi want to grant immortality to General Motors, Chrysler
and Ford. They have decided to follow an earlier $25 billion loan with
a $50 billion bailout, which would inevitably be followed by more
billions later, because if these companies are not permitted to go
bankrupt now, they never will be.
This is a different sort of endeavor than the $750 billion bailout of
Wall Street. That money was used to save the financial system itself.
It was used to save the capital markets on which the process of
creative destruction depends.
Granting immortality to Detroit’s Big Three does not enhance creative
destruction. It retards it. It crosses a line, a bright line. It is not
about saving a system; there will still be cars made and sold in
America. It is about saving politically powerful corporations. A
Detroit bailout would set a precedent for every single politically
connected corporation in America. There already is a long line of
lobbyists bidding for federal money. If Detroit gets money, then
everyone would have a case. After all, are the employees of Circuit
City or the newspaper industry inferior to the employees of Chrysler?
It is all a reminder that the biggest threat to a healthy economy is
not the socialists of campaign lore. It’s C.E.O.’s. It’s politically
powerful crony capitalists who use their influence to create a stagnant
corporate welfare state...full
article here.
U.S.
jobless rate soars again
CT POST
By ASSOCIATED PRESS
Article Last Updated: 11/07/2008
08:48:38 AM EST
WASHINGTON - The nation's
unemployment rate bolted to a 14-year high of 6.5 percent in October as
another 240,000 jobs were cut, the government reported this morning. It
was stark proof the economy is almost certainly in a recession.
The new snapshot, released by the
Labor Department, shows the crucial jobs market deteriorating at an
alarmingly rapid pace.
The jobless rate zoomed to 6.5
percent in October from 6.1 percent in September, matching the
unemployment rate in March 1994. Employers have cut jobs each month
this year.
Unemployment has now surpassed the
high seen after the last recession in 2001. The jobless rate peaked at
6.3 percent in June 2003.
Employers got rid of 240,000 jobs in
October, marking the 10th straight month of payroll reductions.
Job losses in August and September
turned out to be much deeper. Employers cut 127,000 positions in
August, compared with 73,000 previously reported. A whopping 284,000
jobs were axed last month, compared with the 159,000 jobs first
reported.
So far this year, a staggering 1.2
million jobs have disappeared.
But Have We Learned Enough?
NYTIMES
By N. GREGORY MANKIW
Published: October 25, 2008
LIKE most economists, those at the International Monetary Fund are
lowering their growth forecasts. The financial turmoil gripping Wall
Street will probably spill over onto every other street in America.
Most likely, current job losses are only the tip of an ugly iceberg.
But when Olivier Blanchard, the I.M.F.’s chief economist, was asked
about the possibility of the world sinking into another Great
Depression, he reassuringly replied that the chance was “nearly nil.”
He added, “We’ve learned a few things in 80 years.”
Yes, we have. But have we learned what caused the Depression of the
1930s? Most important, have we learned enough to avoid doing the same
thing again?
The Depression began, to a large extent, as a garden-variety downturn.
The 1920s were a boom decade, and as it came to a close the Federal
Reserve tried to rein in what might have been called the irrational
exuberance of the era.
In 1928, the Fed maneuvered to drive up interest rates. So
interest-sensitive sectors like construction slowed.
But things took a bad turn after the crash of October 1929. Lower stock
prices made households poorer and discouraged consumer spending, which
then made up three-quarters of the economy. (Today it’s about
two-thirds.)
According to the economic historian Christina D. Romer, a professor at
the University of California, Berkeley, the great volatility of stock
prices at the time also increased consumers’ feelings of uncertainty,
inducing them to put off purchases until the uncertainty was resolved.
Spending on consumer durable goods like autos dropped precipitously in
1930. Next came a series of bank panics. From 1930 to 1933, more
than 9,000 banks were shuttered, imposing losses on depositors and
shareholders of about $2.5 billion. As a share of the economy, that
would be the equivalent of $340 billion today.
The banking panics put downward pressure on economic activity in two
ways. First, they put fear into the hearts of depositors. Many people
concluded that cash in their mattresses was wiser than accounts at
local banks. As they withdrew their funds, the banking system’s
normal lending and money creation went into reverse. The money supply
collapsed, resulting in a 24 percent drop in the consumer price index
from 1929 to 1933. This deflation pushed up the real burden of
households’ debts.
Second, the disappearance of so many banks made credit hard to come by.
Small businesses often rely on established relationships with local
bankers when they need loans, either to tide them over in tough times
or for business expansion. With so many of those relationships
interrupted at the same time, the economy’s ability to channel
financial resources toward their best use was seriously impaired.
Together, these forces proved cataclysmic. Unemployment, which had been
3 percent in 1929, rose to 25 percent in 1933. Even during the worst
recession since then, in 1982, the United States economy did not
experience half that level of unemployment.
Policy makers in the 1930s responded vigorously as the situation
deteriorated. But like a doctor facing a patient with a new disease and
strange symptoms, they often acted in ways that, with the benefit of
hindsight, appeared counterproductive. Probably the most
important source of recovery after 1933 was monetary expansion, eased
by President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s decision to abandon the gold
standard and devalue the dollar. From 1933 to 1937, the money supply
rose, stopping the deflation. Production in the economy grew about 10
percent a year, three times its normal rate.
Less successful were various market interventions. According to a study
by the economists Harold L. Cole and Lee E. Ohanian, both of the
University of California, Los Angeles, and the Federal Reserve Bank of
Minneapolis, President Roosevelt made things worse when he encouraged
the formation of cartels through the National Industrial Recovery Act
of 1933. Similarly, they argue, the National Labor Relations Act of
1935 strengthened organized labor but weakened the recovery by impeding
market forces.
LOOKING back at these events, it’s hard to avoid seeing parallels to
the current situation. Today, as then, uncertainty has consumers
spooked. By some measures, stock market volatility in recent days has
reached levels not seen since the 1930s. With volatility spiking, the
University of Michigan’s survey reading of consumer sentiment has been
plunging.
Deflation across the economy is not a problem (yet), but deflation in
the housing market is the source of many of our present difficulties.
With so many homeowners owing more on their mortgages than their houses
are worth, default is an unfortunate but often rational choice.
Widespread foreclosures, however, only perpetuate the downward spiral
of housing prices, further defaults and additional losses at financial
institutions.
The Fed and the Treasury Department, intent on avoiding the early
policy inaction that let the Depression unfold, have been working hard
to keep credit flowing. But the financial situation they face is,
arguably, more difficult than that of the 1930s. Then, the problem was
largely a crisis of confidence and a shortage of liquidity. Today, the
problem may be more a shortage of solvency, which is harder to solve.
What’s next? Perhaps the most troubling study of the 1930s economy was
written in 1988 by the economists Kathryn Dominguez, Ray Fair and
Matthew Shapiro; it was called “Forecasting the Depression: Harvard
Versus Yale.” (Mr. Fair is an economics professor at Yale; Ms.
Dominguez and Mr. Shapiro are at the University of Michigan.)
The three researchers show that the leading economists at the time, at
competing forecasting services run by Harvard and Yale, were caught
completely by surprise by the severity and length of the Great
Depression. What’s worse, despite many advances in the tools of
economic analysis, modern economists armed with the data from the time
would not have forecast much better. In other words, even if another
Depression were around the corner, you shouldn’t expect much advance
warning from the economics profession.
Let me be clear: Like Mr. Blanchard at the I.M.F., I am not predicting
another Great Depression. We have indeed learned a lot over the last 80
years. But you should take that economic forecast, like all others,
with more than a single grain of salt.
Stocks fall on belief global recession is
at hand
DAY
By TIM PARADIS, AP Business Writer
Posted on Oct 24, 3:40 PM EDT
NEW YORK (AP) -- Wall Street joined world stock markets
in a pullback Friday, with the Dow Jones industrials dropping 175
points and all the major indexes falling more than 2 percent. The
growing belief that a punishing economic recession is at hand had
investors abandoning stocks.
While the market came off its worst lows of the day, the final hour of
trading remains a crucial period, with many inventors trying to square
away their positions at the last minutes. In the past few weeks, some
of the market's worst volatility has come in the last 30 minutes of the
session.
The pullback on Wall Street wasn't as steep as some observers had
feared though the pace of selling at times accelerated. Massive
declines occurred overseas Friday after another round of grim corporate
news stirred fears about global economies. Investors also grew nervous
after U.S. stock futures - the bets traders place on where the market
will go - fell so sharply that selling halts were imposed.
But the session began and then progressed with more orderly selling
than in other drops in the past month, including two that slashed more
than 700 from the Dow industrials in a single day. Still, investors'
anxiety was clear Friday. The limits on futures and gyrations in
everything from gold to the dollar underscored the fear and uncertainty
that has gripped markets since the mid-September bankruptcy of
investment bank Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. and the subsequent
freeze-up in the world's credit markets.
The urgency to resuscitate lending since then was aimed at avoiding
some of the problems that have nonetheless spread around the world. A
profit warning Friday from electronics maker Sony sent its shares
tumbling in Japan and offered only the latest example that companies
are girding for a slowing economy and a pullback among consumers
worried about falling home prices and losses on their investments.
And in Germany, Daimler's stock fell sharply after the automaker
reported lower third-quarter earnings and abandoned its 2008 profit and
revenue forecast. That followed news in the U.S. late Thursday from
Microsoft Corp., which issued a weaker-than-expected forecast for its
fiscal second quarter, pointing to the economy.
"People have been saying that we're in a recession. This is the
realization," said Scott Fullman, director of derivatives investment
strategy for WJB Capital Group in New York.
It is clear that many investors are convinced the world economy is
headed for a severe downturn even as governments have raced to
jump-start credit markets on the hope that a return of more normal
lending levels by banks and other financial houses will fan economic
activity.
But some say the recent pullbacks have been set off by forced selling,
keeping some bargain-seeking traders from entering the market.
"There's nothing new going on," said Scott Bleier, president of market
advisory service CreateCapital.com. "This is all about the unwinding of
massive leverage."
Bleier attributed the declines to margin calls and investors in hedge
funds and mutual funds cashing out. A margin call occurs when investors
are forced to sell holdings, like stock, to raise cash at the demands
of brokers.
"Market participants' fear is not that the economy is slowing," he
said. "The fear is there is an endless supply of things for sale,
regardless of price."
Steve Gross, principal at alternative investment and advisory firm
Penso Capital Markets, said most large hedge funds have already slashed
their positions. Instead, he sees a lack of demand.
"There are no buyers at all," he said.
Fearing more carnage in world equity markets, big hedge funds and other
institutional investors have been pulling out their money en masse.
Meanwhile, some individual investors who have seen their holdings
decimated in recent weeks have been yanking money from the market, even
as many market observers say it is wiser to wait out the market's
decline.
Jason Weisberg, a New York Stock Exchange trader for Seaport
Securities, contends the selling has been overdone.
"Technically we're way oversold," he said. "We have these downdrafts on
very light volume. But all that being said, historically speaking this
is all unprecedented."
In the final half-hour of trading, the Dow fell 175.78, or 2.02
percent, to 8,515.47 after falling 504 in the early going and trading
down more than 400 at times. Still, the blue chips remained above the
8,000 level; at its recent low of Oct. 10, the Dow traded as low as
7,882.51. The Dow hasn't closed below that level since March 31, 2003,
when it ended at 7,992.13.
Broader stock indicators also fell. The S&P 500 index declined
18.52, or 2.04 percent, to 889.59, and the Nasdaq composite index fell
33.84, or 2.11 percent, to 1,570.07.
The Russell 2000 index of smaller companies fell 12.97, or 2.65
percent, to 476.95.
Declining issues outpaced advancers by about 4 to 1 on the New York
Stock Exchange, where volume came to 1.17 billion shares.
Friday was the 79th anniversary of the day that, according to many
market historians, the October 1929 stock market crash began. Selling
began on Thursday, Oct. 24, and accelerated the following week on the
days that have since become known as Black Monday and Black Tuesday,
Oct 28 and 29.
At its lows Friday, the Dow was down 42 percent from its Oct. 9, 2007,
record close of 14,164.53, while the S&P 500 was off 46 percent
from its peak of a year ago. The Nasdaq was down 48 percent.
"We've moved from credit market concerns to economic concerns and
people really don't know what the impact on the economy is going to be,
they don't know the full impact. The market abhors uncertainty," said
Ben Halliburton, chief investment officer of Tradition Capital
Management in Summit, N.J.
Demand for U.S. Treasurys remained high as investors sought safe places
to put their money. The three-month bill, regarded as the safest asset
around, fell to 0.85 percent from 0.94 percent late Thursday.
There were signs that credit markets continue to thaw but are doing so
more slowly amid growing economic fears. The rate on three-month loans
in dollars - a key bank-to-bank lending benchmark known as the London
Interbank Offered Rate, or Libor - fell to 3.52 percent from 3.54
percent on Thursday.
The rates have fallen steadily for 10 days as confidence in the banking
industry has been helped by government rescue measures. However, the
improvements were smaller Friday on concerns about the health of the
global economy.
The yield on the benchmark 10-year Treasury note, which moves opposite
its price, rose to 3.71 from 3.66 percent late Thursday.
Gold futures briefly fell to their lowest level in 21 months Friday as
the dollar strengthened and the drop in the world's stock markets led
investors to sell commodities to offset massive losses in equities.
Gold regained much of what it lost later in the day though prices
remain down by about 20 percent since the start of the month.
Ordinarily, gold is seen as a safe-haven investment during market
upheavals.
The dollar has risen as a safety holding despite fears about the U.S.
economy. Investors appear more worried about the stability of emerging
markets. That's hurting the euro, for example, because in Europe
Iceland, Hungary, Ukraine and Belarus are all in talks with the
International Monetary Fund to discuss possible loans. Investors are
pulling money out of countries in Latin America and Asia amid worries
about vulnerable countries.
Other commodities declined. Light, sweet crude fell $4.21 to $63.63 on
the New York Mercantile Exchange. The sell-off, another sign that
investors fear a severe recession, came despite OPEC's announcement
that it will cut production by 1.5 million barrels a day in a bid to
shore up sagging prices.
The pullback in global markets comes ahead of a planned meeting next
week of the Federal Reserve's interest rate committee. Policymakers are
scheduled to announced a decision on interest rates on Wednesday.
Investors had been bracing for a rocky start on Wall Street after
futures contracts for the Dow and the S&P 500 fell so low they
triggered "circuit breakers," which froze selling until the market's
9:30 a.m. EDT open. That slide raised the possibility that these
emergency breaks intended to prevent panic selling could be triggered
during the regular session - something that hasn't happened since 1997.
But the Dow's decline was well short of the 10 percent, or 1,100-point,
decline that would be needed to halt trading.
The panicky feeling ahead of the opening bell Friday came after Japan's
Nikkei stock average fell a staggering 9.60 percent. In Europe,
Germany's benchmark DAX index lost 4.96 percent, France's CAC40 dropped
3.54 percent while Britain's FTSE 100 sank 5 percent after the
government said its gross domestic product fell 0.5 percent in the
third quarter, putting the country on the brink of recession.
Hong Kong's Hang Seng index fell 8.3 percent. Markets in India,
Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines were also down sharply as
investors bailed from emerging markets to cut their exposure to risky
assets and meet redemption needs at home. Stocks fell so sharply in
Russia that the two main exchanges closed early.



Alan Greenspan and John Snow
testify
- there are a lot of
lines from
"Casablanca" that apply here...Bernie Madoff center:
how did he
do it? How about India?
What We Don’t Know Will Hurt Us
NYTIMES
By FRANK RICH
February 22, 2009
AND so on the 29th day of his
presidency, Barack Obama signed the stimulus bill. But the earth did
not move. The Dow Jones fell almost 300 points. G.M. and Chrysler
together asked taxpayers for another $21.6 billion and announced
another 50,000 layoffs. The latest alleged mini-Madoff, R. Allen
Stanford, was accused of an $8 billion fraud with 50,000 victims.
“I don’t want to pretend that today marks the end of our economic
problems,” the president said on Tuesday at the signing ceremony in
Denver. He added, hopefully: “But today does mark the beginning of the
end.”
Does it?
No one knows, of course, but a bigger question may be whether we really
want to know. One of the most persistent cultural tics of the early
21st century is Americans’ reluctance to absorb, let alone prepare for,
bad news. We are plugged into more information sources than anyone
could have imagined even 15 years ago. The cruel ambush of 9/11
supposedly “changed everything,” slapping us back to reality. Yet we
are constantly shocked, shocked by the foreseeable. Obama’s toughest
political problem may not be coping with the increasingly marginalized
G.O.P. but with an America-in-denial that must hear warning signs
repeatedly, for months and sometimes years, before believing the wolf
is actually at the door.
This phenomenon could be seen in two TV exposés of the mortgage
crisis broadcast on the eve of the stimulus signing. On Sunday, “60
Minutes” focused on the tawdry lending practices of Golden West
Financial, built by Herb and Marion Sandler. On Monday, the CNBC
documentary “House of Cards” served up another tranche of the subprime
culture, typified by the now defunct company Quick Loan Funding and its
huckster-in-chief, Daniel Sadek. Both reports were superbly done, but
both could have been reruns.
The Sandlers and Sadek have been recurrently whipped at length in print
and on television, as far back as 2007 in Sadek’s case (by Bloomberg);
the Sandlers were even vilified in a “Saturday Night Live” sketch last
October. But still the larger message may not be entirely sinking in.
“House of Cards” was littered with come-on commercials, including one
hawking “risk-free” foreign-currency trading — yet another variation on
Quick Loan Funding, promising credulous Americans something for
nothing.
This cultural pattern of denial is hardly limited to the economic
crisis. Anyone with eyes could have seen that Sammy Sosa and Mark
McGwire resembled Macy’s parade balloons in their 1998 home-run derby,
but it took years for many fans (not to mention Major League Baseball)
to accept the sorry truth. It wasn’t until the Joseph Wilson-Valerie
Plame saga caught fire in summer 2003, months after “Mission
Accomplished,” that we began to confront the reality that we had gone
to war in Iraq over imaginary W.M.D. Weapons inspectors and even some
journalists (especially at Knight-Ridder newspapers) had been telling
us exactly that for almost a year.
The writer Mark Danner, who early on chronicled the Bush
administration’s practice of torture for The New York Review of Books,
reminded me last week that that story first began to emerge in December
2002. That’s when The Washington Post reported on the “stress and
duress” tactics used to interrogate terrorism suspects. But while
similar reports followed, the notion that torture was official American
policy didn’t start to sink in until after the Abu Ghraib photos
emerged in April 2004. Torture wasn’t routinely called “torture” in
Beltway debate until late 2005, when John McCain began to press for
legislation banning it.
Steroids, torture, lies from the White House, civil war in Iraq, even
recession: that’s just a partial glossary of the bad-news vocabulary
that some of the country, sometimes in tandem with a passive news
media, resisted for months on end before bowing to the obvious or the
inevitable. “The needle,” as Danner put it, gets “stuck in the groove.”
For all the gloomy headlines we’ve absorbed since the fall, we still
can’t quite accept the full depth of our economic abyss either. Nicole
Gelinas, a financial analyst at the conservative Manhattan Institute,
sees denial at play over a wide swath of America, reaching from the
loftiest economic strata of Wall Street to the foreclosure-decimated
boom developments in the Sun Belt.
When we spoke last week, she talked of would-be bankers who, upon
graduating, plan “to travel in Asia and teach English for a year” and
then pick up where they left off. Such graduates are dreaming, Gelinas
says, because the over-the-top Wall Street money culture of the credit
bubble isn’t coming back for a very long time, if ever. As she
observes, it took decades after the Great Depression — until the 1980s
— for Wall Street to fully reclaim its old swagger. Not until then was
there “a new group of people without massive psychological scarring”
from the 1929 crash.
In states like Nevada, Florida and Arizona, Gelinas sees “huge
neighborhoods that will become ghettos” as half their populations lose
or abandon their homes, with an attendant collapse of public services
and social order. “It will be like after Katrina,” she says, “but it’s
no longer just the Lower Ninth Ward’s problem.” Writing in the current
issue of The Atlantic, the urban theorist Richard Florida suggests we
could be seeing “the end of a whole way of life.” The link between the
American dream and home ownership, fostered by years of bipartisan
public policy, may be irreparably broken.
Pity our new president. As he rolls out one recovery package after
another, he can’t know for sure what will work. If he tells the whole
story of what might be around the corner, he risks instilling fear
itself among Americans who are already panicked. (Half the country,
according to a new Associated Press poll, now fears unemployment.) But
if the president airbrushes the picture too much, the country could be
as angry about ensuing calamities as it was when the Bush
administration’s repeated assertion of “success” in Iraq proved a sham.
Managing America’s future shock is a task that will call for every last
ounce of Obama’s brains, temperament and oratorical gifts.
The difficulty of walking this fine line can be seen in the drama
surrounding the latest forbidden word to creep around the shadows for
months before finally leaping into the open: nationalization. Until he
started hedging a little last weekend, the president has pointedly said
that nationalizing banks, while fine for Sweden, wouldn’t do in
America, with its “different” (i.e., non-socialistic) culture and
traditions. But the word nationalization, once mostly whispered by
liberal economists, is now even being tossed around by Lindsey Graham
and Alan Greenspan. It’s a clear indication that no one has a better
idea.
The Obama White House may come up with euphemisms for nationalization
(temporary receivership, anyone?). But whatever it’s called, what will
it mean? The reason why the White House has been punting on the new
installment of the bank rescue is not that the much-maligned Treasury
secretary, Timothy Geithner, is incapable of getting his act together.
What’s slowing the works are the huge political questions at stake,
many of them with consequences potentially as toxic as the banks’
assets.
Will Obama concede aloud that some of our “too big to fail” banks have,
in essence, already failed? If so, what will he do about it? What will
it cost? And, most important, who will pay? No one knows the sum of the
American banks’ losses, but the economist Nouriel Roubini, who has
gotten much right about this crash, puts it at $1.8 trillion. That
doesn’t count any defaults still to come on what had been considered
“good” mortgages and myriad other debt, whether from auto loans or
credit cards.
Americans are right to wonder why there has been scant punishment for
the management and boards of bailed-out banks that recklessly sliced
and diced all this debt into worthless gambling chips. They are also
right to wonder why there is still little transparency in how TARP
funds have been spent by these teetering institutions. If a CNBC
commentator can stir up a populist dust storm by ranting that Obama’s
new mortgage program (priced at $75 billion to $275 billion) is
“promoting bad behavior,” imagine the tornado that would greet an even
bigger bank bailout on top of the $700 billion already down the TARP
drain.
Nationalization would likely mean wiping out the big banks’ managements
and shareholders. It’s because that reckoning has mostly been avoided
so far that those bankers may be the Americans in the greatest denial
of all. Wall Street’s last barons still seem to believe that they can
hang on to their old culture by scuttling corporate jets, rejecting
bonuses or sounding contrite in public. Ask the former Citigroup wise
man Robert Rubin how that strategy worked out.
We are now waiting to learn if Obama’s economic team, much of it drawn
from the Wonderful World of Citi and Goldman Sachs, will have the will
to make its own former cohort face the truth. But at a certain point,
as in every other turn of our culture of denial, outside events will
force the recognition of harsh realities. Nationalization,
unmentionable only yesterday, has entered common usage not least
because an even scarier word — depression — is next on America’s list
to avoid.
Greenspan Says He Was Mystified by
Subprime Market
NYTIMES "Dealbook"
February 12, 2009, 7:50 am
Alan Greenspan, the former chairman of the Federal Reserve, told CNBC
in a documentary to be shown Thursday night that he did not fully
understand the scope of the subprime mortgage market until well into
2005 and could not make sense of the complex derivative products
created out of mortgages.
“So everybody in retrospect now knows that that boom was developing
under the markets for quite a period of time, but nobody knew it,” Mr.
Greenspan told CNBC’s David Faber. “In 2004, there was just no credible
information on that. It wasn’t until we got well into 2005 that the
first inklings that that was developing was emerging,” he said.
Mr. Greenspan’s critics have argued that the former Fed chairman
expanded the money supply well beyond the growth in the nation’s gross
domestic product by keeping interest rates too low for too long.
The Fed’s “easy money” policy created an excess of cash that inflated
equity and asset prices, leading to both the technology bubble of the
late 1990s and the housing bubble in this decade.
While Mr. Greenspan acknowledges that he could have done something to
avert the housing crisis, he contends his hands were tied.
“If we tried to suppress the expansion of the subprime market, do you
think that would have gone over very well with the Congress?” Mr.
Greenspan said. “When it looked as though we were dealing with a major
increase in home ownership, which is of unquestioned value to this
society — would we have been able to do that? I doubt it.”
Mr. Greenspan said that if he had taken steps to prevent the crisis,
the outcome would have been painful.
“We could have basically clamped down on the American economy,
generated a 10 percent unemployment rate,” he said. “And I will
guarantee we would not have had a housing boom, a stock market boom or
indeed a particularly good economy either.”
Mr. Greenspan also lays the blame on the ratings agencies and the
people that trusted their judgment for the proliferation of the
mortgage derivatives that were a major part of the current financial
crisis.
“What we have created in this world is an aura around the credit rating
agencies about certification from them is the Good Housekeeping Seal of
Approval, ” Mr. Greenspan said. “I will tell you the record of a lot of
the forecasters of ratings have not been distinguished. They never
were.”
The interview is part of a two-hour documentary, “House of Cards,” to
be shown on CNBC on Thursday at 8 p.m. and 12 a.m. Eastern time.
–Cyrus Sanati
In India, Crisis Pairs With Fraud
NYTIMES
By JOE NOCERA
January 10, 2009
“It is with deep regret, and tremendous burden that I am carrying on my
conscience, that I would like to bring the following facts to your
notice.”
Thus begins, in calm but painful fashion, one of the most extraordinary
corporate confessions ever written, a letter sent Wednesday from B.
Ramalinga Raju, the founder and chairman of Satyam Computer Services,
to the company’s board. Among the startling facts Mr. Raju proceeds to
disclose is that most of the cash on the company’s balance sheet does
not exist, that Satyam’s revenue has been overstated for years, and
that its real profit for the quarter that ended Sept. 30 was only $12.5
million — rather than the $136 million the company had reported to
investors. Mr. Raju, in other words, had been cooking the books.
Satyam is a company I had been reading a lot about in the business
papers during my recent trip to India. Mr. Raju, 54, founded the
company 21 years ago, and turned it into what appeared to be one of
India’s glittering technology success stories, a consulting and
outsourcing powerhouse that rivaled the likes of Infosys and WiPro,
with 53,000 employees, and 185 Fortune 500 companies among its roster
of clients. Mr. Raju himself was a much-admired chief executive who won
awards for entrepreneurship and established philanthropies to help
Indians who lived in rural poverty.
When I was in India, however, Mr. Raju was grabbing headlines for a
less exalted reason. He had tried to push through a deal to buy two
companies in which he held ownership interests — Maytas Infra and
Maytas Properties, which were run by his sons. (Maytas is Satyam
spelled backward.) Satyam’s directors had rubber-stamped the deal — but
to the surprise of the Indian business community, accustomed to seeing
such inside deals go through, Satyam’s shareholders revolted.
Institutional investors denounced Mr. Raju for seeking to buy
infrastructure and real estate companies that were far afield from
technology outsourcing. Indian mutual fund managers complained
anonymously in the business pages that Mr. Raju was using shareholders’
money to give himself and his sons a rich and undeserved payday. The
board was raked over the coals in the press for approving the deal. The
stock was pummeled.
And lo and behold, the investor backlash succeeded: Mr. Raju beat a
hasty retreat and withdrew the offer to buy the two companies. Even
after the deal fell through, it remained big news, and everyone I
interviewed had an opinion about it. Some thought it gave India a black
eye, because it exposed the country’s lackadaisical attitude toward
corporate governance. Others thought it would ultimately be good for
India, because it showed all Indian investors that they did not have to
roll over every time a corporate executive tried to pull a fast one. No
one, however, realized the truth. As Mr. Raju put it in his letter,
“The aborted Maytas acquisition deal was the last attempt to fill the
fictitious assets with real ones.” When the deal fell through, the jig
was up.
And thus came the final bit of proof — as if one was needed — that the
credit crisis had hit India. Here in the United States, the
extraordinary Ponzi scheme that Bernard L. Madoff is accused of running
was exposed when the credit crisis caused his investors to seek
wholesale redemptions — money he did not have. The credit crisis also
helped bring Mr. Raju’s fraud to light. He had been keeping the company
afloat by borrowing against his Satyam shares. But when the Indian
stock market crashed last fall — and Mr. Raju could not meet the margin
calls — his lenders began selling his shares. He made his confession
because he no longer had any means to funnel money into the company.
Any halfway decent financial crisis has to have its signature fraud,
and thanks to Mr. Raju, India now has one.
•
Every bubble develops its own mythology — its variation of that old
mantra, “It’s different this time.” In the United States, during the
housing bubble, the mythology was that we could build an economy out of
endless debt, and no harm would come because the foundation upon which
that debt was built — the price of housing — was indestructible.
India had a different mythology. It was called “decoupling.” The Indian
economy, so the theory went, had become decoupled from the American
economy, so that even if our economy ran into trouble, theirs would
continue humming along. Indeed, India might even find itself in a
position to take advantage of our troubles, by selling us more
outsourcing services that would lower corporations’ overhead costs.
In the United States, we tend to think of Indian business as one giant
outsourcing operation. But Indian economists are quick to point out
that outsourcing is a much smaller part of the economy than we in the
West realize: less than 10 percent. In fact, unlike China, which had
built its economy around low-cost exports — and was thus obviously
vulnerable to an economic downturn in the West — only 22 percent of
India’s overall economy is export-related. India has been growing at a
rate of 9 to 10 percent a year not so much because of its exports but
because it has a thriving domestic economy, with a newly emergent
middle class.
As India took comfort in the decoupling theory, it became easy to
overlook the signs that a bubble was forming. The stock market was
rising rapidly, and those new members of the middle class were jumping
in with both feet.
The mutual fund industry went from $5 billion in assets to around $40
billion almost overnight. The price of real estate was skyrocketing.
Companies were growing at a breakneck pace of 50 to 60 percent a year.
Foreign investment was pouring into the country. And some Indian
companies were piling up debt — like the Tata Group, which borrowed
money last year to make its triumphant purchase of Jaguar and Land
Rover for $2.3 billion. The deal was struck around the time Bear
Stearns was collapsing — proof, surely, that decoupling was real.
Perhaps if we had just lived through a stock market bubble, rather than
a credit bubble, the decoupling theory might have held up. Stock market
bubbles tend to be self-contained. But as we have learned, credit is
different. When a credit bubble bursts it becomes a contagion that
jumps oceans and national borders, spreading from bank to bank,
institution to institution, even person to person, until the entire
financial system is bereft of confidence. No country, it turns out, is
immune, no matter how robust its domestic economy.
Starting early last year, the Indian stock market began a slow and
steady decline. Foreign investors started pulling out, as they sold off
liquid Indian securities to raise cash for their own needs. For the
same reason, all that foreign capital that had flowed into the country
suddenly began to dry up. Banks, seeing the liquidity crisis spread
across the Western world, started preserving their own capital — and
thus loans became increasingly difficult to come by. Sure enough, the
Indian domestic economy slowed down.
Then came the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy — and like everywhere in the
world, for the next six weeks, business in India came to a near
standstill.
“When liquidity dries up, it doesn’t matter where you are,” said
Jamshid Pandole, a managing partner of Inspire Capital Management, a
hedge fund firm that invests in the Indian market. Icici Bank, the
country’s largest privately held bank, actually had a short-lived run
on the bank when it disclosed that it had a small amount of Lehman
Brothers bonds in its portfolio.
And now? India’s stock market is down 60 percent from its highs. The
country is woefully short of the capital it needs to meet its growth
expectations, which have been reduced to 5 percent this year, instead
of the 9 percent that had become routine.
“It’s still growth,” said Neeraj Bhargava, the chief executive of WNS,
a rapidly expanding outsourcing company based in Mumbai. “But for us, 5
percent practically feels like a recession.”
In New Delhi, a huge airport construction project is stalled because
the developer cannot get the funds he needs to finish it. Tata, which
is struggling under its debt load, has asked the British government for
a £1 billion loan to tide over troubled Jaguar. The stock of all
the big technology consulting companies — most of whom had Wall Street
firms as clients — has been hammered, and their profits are dropping,
as a result of the credit crisis.
And decoupling? Nobody believes in it anymore. “Decoupling is a myth,”
said Anand G. Mahindra, vice chairman and managing director of Mahindra
& Mahindra, a conglomerate that is one of the country’s biggest
companies. He should know. Mahindra & Mahindra is perhaps best
known in India as a manufacturer of cars and trucks, mainly for the
domestic economy. Last month, the company cut production and
temporarily shut some plants because demand for vehicles had fallen off
significantly.
And, of course, there is Mr. Raju and the Satyam fraud. In many ways,
the Satyam scandal is having the same effect in India that the Madoff
scandal is having here. Mr. Madoff was an important, highly respected
figure on Wall Street, just as Mr. Raju was an important, highly
respected figure in the Indian business world.
They were the last people anyone suspected of committing huge fraud. To
have it then turn out that the two frauds went on for years, under the
noses of regulators and accountants, made them all the more shocking.
They will both wind up causing immense pain and suffering. Many people
who trusted Mr. Madoff have lost everything, while it seems a sure bet
that many of the 53,000 Satyam employees will wind up jobless.
Of course, it is also true that thanks to Mr. Madoff, the hedge fund
industry will never be the same. Regulation that the country has long
needed, but which the fund industry fought off, will surely be enacted
in the next year or so, allowing regulators to more closely track hedge
funds, to prevent a recurrence.
And it seems pretty likely that the Satyam scandal will have a similar
effect in India. In their aftermath, financial crises generally lead to
new, tougher rules that protect investors, and sniff out fraud. If that
turns out to be one final way India is coupled with America, it will
not be such a bad thing.
Talking Business: How India Avoided a
Crisis
NYTIMES
By JOE NOCERA
December 20, 2008
MUMBAI
“What has taken a number of us by surprise is the lack of adequate
supervision and regulation,” Rana Kapoor was saying the other day.
“This was despite the fact that Enron had happened and you passed
Sarbanes-Oxley. We don’t understand it. Maybe it’s because we sit in a
more controlled economy but ....” He smiled sweetly as his voice
trailed off, as if to take the sting off his comments. But they stung
nonetheless.
Mr. Kapoor is an Indian banker, a former longtime Bank of America
executive with a Rutgers M.B.A. who, along with his business partner
and brother-in-law, Ashok Kapur, was granted government permission four
years ago to start a private bank, which they called Yes Bank. In the
United States, Yes Bank is the kind of name a go-go banker might give
to, say, a high-flying mortgage lender in the middle of a bubble. (You
can even imagine the slogan: “Yes is part of our name!”) But Yes Bank
is not exactly the Washington Mutual of India. One news release it
hands out to reporters who come calling is an excerpt from a 2007
survey by The Financial Express: “#1 on Credit Quality amongst 56 Banks
in India,” reads the headline.
I arrived in Mumbai three weeks after the terrorist attacks that killed
200 people — including, tragically, Yes Bank’s co-founder Mr. Kapur,
who had served as the company’s nonexecutive chairman and was gunned
down while having dinner at the Oberoi Hotel. (His wife and two dinner
companions miraculously escaped.)
My hope in traveling to Mumbai was to learn about the current state of
Indian business in the wake of both the credit crisis and the attacks.
But in my first few days in this grand, sprawling, chaotic city, what I
mainly heard, especially talking to bankers, was about America, not
India. How could we have brought so much trouble on ourselves, and the
rest of the world, by acting in such an obviously foolhardy manner?
Didn’t we understand that you can’t lend money to people who lack the
means to pay it back? The questions were asked with a sense of
bewilderment — and an occasional hint of scorn. Like most Americans, I
didn’t have any good answers. It was a bubble, I would respond with a
sheepish shrug, as if that were an adequate explanation. It isn’t, of
course.
“In India, we never had anything close to the subprime loan,” said
Chandra Kochhar, the chief financial officer of India’s largest private
bank, Icici. (A few days after I spoke to her, Ms. Kochhar was named
the bank’s new chief executive, in a move that had long been
anticipated.) “All lending to individuals is based on their income.
That is a big difference between your banking system and ours.” She
continued: “Indian banks are not levered like American banks. Capital
ratios are 12 and 13 percent, instead of 7 or 8 percent. All those
exotic structures like C.D.O. and securitizations are a very tiny part
of our banking system. So a lot of the temptations didn’t exist.”
And when I went to see Deepak Parekh, the chief executive of HDFC,
which was founded in 1977 as the country’s first specialized mortgage
bank, practically the first words out of his mouth were these: “We
don’t do interest-only or subprime loans. When the bubble was going on,
we did not change any of our policies. We did not change any of our
systems. We did not change our thought process. We never gave more
money to a borrower because the value of the house had gone up.
Citibank has a few home equity loans, but most banks in India don’t
make those kinds of loans. Our nonperforming loans are less than 1
percent.”
Yet two years ago, the Indian real estate market — commercial and
residential alike — was every bit as frothy as the American market.
High-rises were being slapped up on spec. Housing developments were
sprouting up everywhere. And there was plenty of money flowing into
India, mainly from private equity and hedge funds, to fuel the
commercial real estate bubble in particular. Goldman Sachs, Carlyle,
Blackstone, Citibank — they were all here, throwing money at
developers. So why did the Indian banks stay on the sidelines and avoid
most of the pain that has been suffered by the big American banks?
Part of the reason is cultural. Indians are simply not as comfortable
with credit as Americans. “A lot of Indians, when you push them, will
say that if you spend more than you earn you will get in trouble,” an
Indian consultant told me. “Americans spent more than they earned.”
Mr. Parekh said, “Savings are important. Joint families exist. When one
son moves out, the family helps them. So you don’t borrow so much from
the bank.” Even mortgage loans tend to have down payments in India that
are a third of the purchase price, a far cry from the United States,
where 20 percent is the new norm. (Let’s not even think about what they
used to be.)
But there was also another factor, perhaps the most important of all.
India had a bank regulator who was the anti-Greenspan. His name was Dr.
V. Y. Reddy, and he was the governor of the Reserve Bank of India.
Seventy percent of the banking system in India is nationalized, so a
strong regulator is critical, since any banking scandal amounts to a
national political scandal as well. And in the irascible Mr. Reddy, who
took office in 2003 and stepped down this past September, it had
exactly the right man in the right job at the right time.
“He basically believed that if bankers were given the opportunity to
sin, they would sin,” said one banker who asked not to be named
because, well, there’s not much percentage in getting on the wrong side
of the Reserve Bank of India. For all the bankers’ talk about their
higher lending standards, the truth is that Mr. Reddy made them even
more stringent during the bubble.
Unlike Alan Greenspan, who didn’t believe it was his job to even point
out bubbles, much less try to deflate them, Mr. Reddy saw his job as
making sure Indian banks did not get too caught up in the bubble
mentality. About two years ago, he started sensing that real estate, in
particular, had entered bubble territory. One of the first moves he
made was to ban the use of bank loans for the purchase of raw land,
which was skyrocketing. Only when the developer was about to commence
building could the bank get involved — and then only to make
construction loans. (Guess who wound up financing the land purchases?
United States private equity and hedge funds, of course!)
Then, as securitizations and derivatives gained increasing prominence
in the world’s financial system, the Reserve Bank of India sharply
curtailed their use in the country. When Mr. Reddy saw American banks
setting up off-balance-sheet vehicles to hide debt, he essentially
banned them in India. As a result, banks in India wound up holding onto
the loans they made to customers. On the one hand, this meant they made
fewer loans than their American counterparts because they couldn’t sell
off the loans to Wall Street in securitizations. On the other hand, it
meant they still had the incentive — as American banks did not — to see
those loans paid back.
Seeing inflation on the horizon, Mr. Reddy pushed interest rates up to
more than 20 percent, which of course dampened the housing frenzy. He
increased risk weightings on commercial buildings and shopping mall
construction, doubling the amount of capital banks were required to
hold in reserve in case things went awry. He made banks put aside extra
capital for every loan they made. In effect, Mr. Reddy was creating
liquidity even before there was a global liquidity crisis.
Did India’s bankers stand up to applaud Mr. Reddy as he was making
these moves? Of course not. They were naturally furious, just as
American bankers would have been if Mr. Greenspan had been more active.
Their regulator was holding them back, constraining their growth! Mr.
Parekh told me that while he had been saying for some time that Indian
real estate was in bubble territory, he was still unhappy with the
rules imposed by Mr. Reddy. “We were critical of the central bank,” he
said. “We thought these were harsh measures.”
“For a while we were wondering if we were missing out on something,”
said Ms. Kochhar of Icici. Banks in the United States seemed to have
come up with some magical new formula for making money: make loans that
required no down payment and little in the way of verification — and
post instant, short-term, profits.
As Luis Miranda, who runs a private equity firm devoted to developing
India’s infrastructure, put it: “We kept wondering if they had figured
out something that we were too dense to figure out. It looked like they
were smart and we were stupid.” Instead, India was the smart one, and
we were the stupid ones.
Ms. Kochhar said that the underlying risks of having “a majority of
loans not owned by the people who originated them” was not apparent
during the bubble. Now that those risks have been made painfully clear,
every banker in India realizes that Mr. Reddy did the right thing by
limiting securitizations. “At times like this, you tend to appreciate
what he did more than we did at the time,” said Mr. Kapoor. “He saved
us,” added Mr. Parekh.
As the credit crisis has spread these past months, no Indian bank has
come close to failing the way so many United States and European
financial institutions have. None have required the kind of emergency
injections of capital that Western banks have needed. None have had the
huge write-downs that were par for the course in the West. As the
bubble has burst, which lenders have taken the hit? Why, the private
equity and hedge fund lenders who had been so eager to finance land
development. Us, in others words, rather than them. Why is that not a
surprise?
When I asked Mr. Kapoor for his take on what had happened in the United
States, he replied: “We recognize it as a problem of plenty. It was
perpetuated by greedy bankers, whether investment bankers or commercial
bankers. The greed to make money is the impression it has made here.
Anytime they wanted a loan, people just dipped into their home A.T.M.
It was like money was on call.”
So it was. And our regulators, unlike theirs, just stood by and let it
happen. The next time we’re moving into bubble territory, perhaps we
can take a page from Mr. Reddy’s book — sometimes it’s better to apply
the brakes too early than too late. Or, as was the case with Mr.
Greenspan, not at all.
•
None of this is to say that the global credit crisis hasn’t affected
India. It certainly has. I’ll be back after the holidays with more
columns from India, including how Sept. 15 — the day Lehman Brothers
defaulted — changed everything, even here, on the other side of the
world.
Madoff Surrounded by
Mob of Cameras After Court
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 8:21 a.m. ET
December 18, 2008
NEW YORK (AP) -- Free on $10 million bond during an investigation into
an alleged $50 billion investment fraud, Bernard Madoff had to push his
way through a swarm of media to reach his posh Manhattan apartment,
where he is under a nighttime curfew.
He must be at the Upper East Side residence from 7 p.m to 9 a.m. and
wear an ankle-bracelet to monitor his movements. His wife was ordered
to surrender her passport.
Cameras awaited Madoff as he walked out of the courthouse Wednesday
toward his black SUV. Minutes later, a smirking Madoff was swarmed by
more cameras as he entered his apartment building, with the scrum at
one point turning into a shoving match between Madoff and a journalist.
He was then fitted with an electronic-monitoring bracelet, according to
his lawyer, Ira Lee Sorkin, and placed under house detention in the $7
million apartment.
Madoff's chaotic commute came on a day when the fallout over the
scandal spread through the nation's capital, with the Securities and
Exchange Commission taking more heat and Congress jumping into the fray.
The chairman of the House capital markets subcommittee, Rep. Paul
Kanjorski, D-Pa., announced an inquiry that will begin early next month
into what may be the biggest Ponzi scheme ever and how the government
failed to detect it. The SEC is also looking into the relationship
between Madoff's niece and a former SEC attorney who reviewed Madoff's
business.
Madoff, who has already surrendered his passport, made his appearance
in the courthouse to shore up conditions of his bail package. The judge
had required him to find two additional co-signers to vouch for Madoff,
but he was apparently unable to find anyone as the cloud of scandal
swirls around him.
Judge Gabriel W. Gorenstein responded by approving a modification to
the bail package. As a result, Madoff had to sign over his Upper East
Side apartment and his homes in Palm Beach and the Hamptons.
In Washington, SEC Chairman Christopher Cox again found himself on the
defensive after days of withering criticism that his agency did not do
enough to root out the fraud.
''We have thus far no evidence of any wrongdoing by any SEC
personnel,'' Cox told reporters at SEC headquarters. ''We need to go
about this in a thorough, professional way.''
SEC Inspector General David Kotz is looking into the agency's failure
to uncover the alleged fraud in Madoff's operation. One area Kotz said
he will examine is the relationship between a former SEC attorney, Eric
Swanson, and Madoff's niece, Shana, who are now married.
As an SEC attorney, Swanson was part of a team that examined Madoff's
securities brokerage operation in 1999 and 2004. Neither review
resulted in any action against Madoff. In a statement about Swanson's
role, the SEC compliance office cited its strict rules prohibiting
employees from participating in cases involving firms where they have a
personal interest.
A spokesman for Swanson said that he and Shana Madoff met at a
breakfast in October 2003, started dating in April 2006 and married
last year.
Another potential conflict also emerged in Washington on Wednesday.
U.S. Attorney General Michael Mukasey removed himself from the probe
because his son, Marc Mukasey, is representing Frank DiPascali, a top
financial officer at Madoff's investment firm. The Justice Department
refused to say when Mukasey became aware of the conflict but confirmed
he was removing himself from all aspects of the case.
DiPascali was the Madoff employee who had the most day-to-day contact
with the firm's investors. Several described him as the man they
reached by phone when they had questions about the firm's investment
strategy, or wanted to add or subtract money from their accounts.
The events unfolded the day after Cox delivered a stunning rebuke to
his own career staff, blaming them for a decade-long failure to
investigate Madoff.
Credible and specific allegations regarding Madoff's financial
wrongdoing going back to at least 1999 were repeatedly brought to the
attention of SEC staff, Cox said. He said he was gravely concerned by
the apparent multiple failures over at least a decade to thoroughly
investigate the allegations or at any point to seek formal authority
from the politically appointed commission to pursue them.
Cox's critics said that targeting the staff was Cox's attempt to
salvage his own reputation.
''He put in place the people he is now shifting the blame to,'' said
Ross Albert, a former SEC senior special counsel and federal prosecutor
and now a private attorney in Atlanta.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., suggested Cox bears some of
the responsibility for what went wrong.
''I served in Congress with Christopher Cox, but I don't think he's
going to make the All-Star team,'' said Reid.
Kotz said his office would move as quickly as possible to complete the
inquiry into why regulators didn't pursue Madoff more aggressively.
Kanjorski, the lawmaker, said his inquiry will examine the alleged
fraud and try to determine why regulators ''failed to detect these
substantial evasions.''
Greenspan
"Shocked" At Credit System
Breakdown
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Published: October 23, 2008
Filed at 10:24 a.m. ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Former U.S. Federal
Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan told Congress on Thursday he is
"shocked" at the breakdown in U.S. credit markets and that he expects
the unemployment rate to jump.
Despite concerns he had in 2005 that risks were being underestimated by
investors, "this crisis, however, has turned out to be much broader
than anything I could have imagined," Greenspan said in remarks
prepared for delivery to the House of Representatives Committee on
Oversight and Government Reform.
"Those of us who have looked to the self-interest of lending
institutions to protect shareholder's equity (myself especially) are in
a state of shocked disbelief," he said.
Banks and other financial institutions need public support, such as the
recently approved $700 billion bailout package, to avoid serious
retrenchment, he said.
Greenspan was hailed as one of the most accomplished central bankers in
U.S. history when he retired in January 2006. However, his decision to
keep interest rates low during his final years at the Fed has been
blamed in part for the housing bubble and crash that has led to the
current deep financial crisis.
The former Fed chair said stabilization of U.S. housing markets -- a
necessary precondition for the economy to heal -- is "many months in
the future."
At the heart of the breakdown of credit markets was the securitization
system that stimulated appetite for loans made to borrowers with spotty
credit histories, Greenspan said.
"Without the excess demand from securitizers, subprime mortgage
originations (undeniably the original source of crisis) would have been
far smaller and defaults accordingly far fewer," he said.
"The consequent surge in global demand for U.S. subprime securities by
banks, hedge and pension funds supported by unrealistically positive
rating designations by credit agencies was, in my judgment, the core of
the problem," he added.
The Absent Gorilla: Social Security, Medicare •
Presidential candidates step gingerly around entitlements dilemma
Hartford Courant editorial
October 17, 2008
One of these years, unless something is done about it, the federal
government will be unable to meet its Medicare and Social Security
obligations. There will be too many old Americans and not enough
revenue to pay for their health care and retirement income.
Some, like former U.S. Comptroller General David Walker, the Concord
Coalition and the Heritage Foundation, are waving the warning flags,
talking in apocalyptic but reality-based terms of the government being
scores of trillions of dollars in the hole in the not-too-distant
future and unable to make good on what aging Americans feel entitled to.
But there has been little said about entitlement reform on the campaign
trail this fall. Presidential and congressional candidates don't want
to touch this hot topic with the proverbial 10-foot pole. They have
approached it only in the most general terms.
In the final debate between Barack Obama and John McCain on Wednesday
night, the issue was raised, sort of, by moderator Bob Schieffer. He
asked, in light of mounting national debt and huge projected budget
deficits, what spending cuts each man would make if elected. Mr. Obama
said he would cut a $15 billion subsidy to insurance companies and
would go over the budget line by line and cut programs that don't work.
Mr. McCain favors a spending freeze — but would exempt the military and
veterans budgets. He said he'd veto all earmarks, which this year total
about $18 billion. These are inadequate answers on the part of both
presidential candidates.
The world faces the prospects of a long, deep recession. But the
fallout from that might not be nearly so bad as what America's elderly
will suffer if Medicare and Social Security crash.
"D" stands for a few things...
-----------------
Economic indicators up
more than expected in April
DAY
By TALI ARBEL, AP Business Writer
Posted on May 21, 2009 11:30 AM EDT
NEW YORK (AP) -- A private research's group forecast of economic
activity rose more than expected in April, the first gain in seven
months and fresh evidence that the recession could end later this year.
The Conference Board said Thursday its index of leading economic
indicators, designed to forecast economic activity in the next three to
six months, rose 1 percent last month. Economists surveyed by Thomson
Reuters expected a 0.8 percent increase.
Conference Board economist Ken Goldstein said that means declines in
activity could switch to growth in the overall economy in the second
half of the year. The recession began in December 2007.
In April, the index posted its biggest gain since November 2005, said
Ian Shepherdson, chief U.S. economist at High Frequency Economics. It
is now even with its level from last November.
The index is derived from 10 components including stock prices, the
money supply, jobless claims and new orders by manufacturers.
The Conference Board said strengths among the components exceeded
weaknesses for the first time in more than a year. "This is more
broad-based. It's not just the stock market rally," Goldstein said.
Seven indicators rose, including stock prices, as the Dow Jones
industrials are up by about a third since March. Consumer expectations,
the average work week, manufacturers' new orders for consumer goods and
deliveries by vendors grew, while initial jobless claims dropped, also
a positive.
However, some analysts expressed reservations about the strength of the
gain.
"How strong the upturn will be is still in doubt, and it is possible
that the improvement in (consumer) sentiment seen the last couple
months, which has lifted the index of leading indicators, could stall
out," Deutsche Bank chief U.S. economist Joseph LaVorgna wrote in a
research note. He doesn't expect the economy to grow until early 2010.
Weekly claims for jobless aid had been dragging the index down. The
U.S. unemployment rate stands at 8.9 percent and is expected to hit
double digits later this year or in 2010.
The Labor Department on Thursday said new requests for jobless benefits
fell to a seasonally adjusted 631,000, down from a revised figure of
643,000. Claims had reached a 14-week low of 605,000 earlier this
month, which many economists thought heralded an easing in the wave of
layoffs.
Earlier this week, computer giant Hewlett-Packard Co. said it would cut
6,400 jobs, or 2 percent of its work force, while credit-card issuer
American Express Co. said it was slashing 4,000 jobs. Beleaguered auto
makers General Motors Corp. and Chrysler LLC recently announced they
will terminate their contracts with around 2,000 dealerships
nationwide, which likely will result in shutdowns for many. The
National Automobile Dealers Association, a trade group, said the auto
makers' decisions could result in 100,000 job losses.
Meanwhile, the Conference Board said building permits, manufacturers'
orders for capital goods and the real money supply weighed down the
index last month.
The recession was precipitated by a crisis in housing, and while
homebuilders' confidence has ticked higher, both building permits and
housing construction fell to record low annual rates in April, the
government said earlier this week.
Jobless Rate Rises to 6.7% as
533,000 Jobs Are Lost
NYTIMES
By LOUIS UCHITELLE
December 6, 2008
With the economy deteriorating rapidly, the nation’s employers shed
533,000 jobs in November, the 11th consecutive monthly decline, the
government reported Friday morning, and the unemployment rate rose to
6.7 percent.
The decline, the largest one-month loss since December 1974, was fresh
evidence that the economic contraction accelerated in November,
promising to make the current recession, already 12 months old, the
longest since the Great Depression. The previous record was 16 months,
in the severe recessions of the mid-1970s and early 1980s.
“We have recorded the largest decline in consumer confidence in our
history,” said Richard T. Curtin, director of the Reuters/University of
Michigan Survey of Consumers, which started its polling in the 1950s.
“It is being driven down by a host of factors: falling home and stock
prices, fewer work hours, smaller bonuses, less overtime and
disappearing jobs.”
The jobless rate was up from 6.5 percent in October. The job losses far
exceeded the 350,000 figure that was the consensus expectation of
economists.
Over all, the job losses since January now total more than 1.9 million,
with most coming in the last three months as consumers and businesses
cut back sharply in response to the worsening credit crisis.
The report on Friday by the Bureau of Labor Statistics included sharp
upward revisions in job-loss figures for October (to 320,000 from the
previously reported 240,000) and for September (to 403,000 from
284,000).
The employment report increased the likelihood that Congress, with the
support of President-elect Barack Obama, will enact a stimulus package
by late January that could exceed $500 billion over two years. More
than half that money would probably be channeled into public
infrastructure spending. Many economists consider such investments an
effective way to counteract, through federally financed employment, the
layoffs and hiring freezes spreading through the private sector.
“Basically $100 billion of public investment in such things as roads,
bridges and levees would generate two million jobs,” Robert N. Pollin,
an economist at the University of Massachusetts, said. “That would
offset the two million jobs that we are now on track to lose by early
next year.”
The manufacturing sector has been particularly hard hit, losing more
than half a million jobs this year. That is nearly half the 1.2 million
jobs lost since employment peaked in December and, in January, began
its uninterrupted decline. The cutbacks seem likely to accelerate as
the three Detroit automakers close more factories and shrink payrolls
even more as they try to qualify for the federal loans they asked
Congress this week to approve.
While manufacturing has led the way, the job cuts are rising in nearly
every sector of the economy. “My sense is there is just a collapse in
demand,” said Marc Levinson, research director for the union Unite
Here, whose 450,000 members are spread across apparel manufacturing,
hotels, casinos, industrial laundries, airport concessions and
restaurants. “Our members are being laid off big time,” Mr. Levinson
said.
The latest jobs report came during a week of compelling evidence that
the American economy is falling precipitously. On Monday, the National
Bureau of Economic Research ruled that a recession — the 12th since the
Depression — had begun last December, even earlier than many people had
thought.
That news was followed by fresh reports of cutbacks or declines in
construction spending, home sales, consumer spending, business
investment and exports. And companies in every industry sector
announced layoffs this week, including AT&T, the telecommunications
company, with 12,000 job cuts; DuPont, the chemical company, 2,500; and
Viacom, the media company, 850.
Even retail sales in the Christmas season were off sharply. The
International Council of Shopping Centers on Thursday described
November sales at stores open at least a year as the weakest in more
than 30 years.
With all this in mind, and particularly the shrinking employment rolls,
economists are estimating that the gross domestic product is
contracting at an annual rate of 4 percent or more in the fourth
quarter, after a decline of 0.3 percent in the third quarter.
“Our G.D.P. forecast for 2009 is now minus 1.8 percent, rather than
minus 1 percent,” HIS Global Insight, a forecasting and data gathering
service, informed its clients in an e-mail message this week,
explaining that all the latest bad news left it no choice but to issue
a sharp downward revision.
“We see the unemployment rate at 8.6 percent by the end of 2009,”
Global Insight said.
Consumer Price Decline Prompts
Fear of Deflation
NYTIMES
By JACK HEALY
November 20, 2008
In another sign that the
struggling economy continues to slow, consumer prices tumbled by a
record amount in October, carried lower by skidding energy and
transportation prices, raising the specter of deflation.
A key measure of how much Americans pay for groceries, clothing,
entertainment and other goods and services, fell 1 percent in October,
according to the Labor Department, the biggest drop in the 61-year
history of the consumer price index. Much of the decline could be
traced to a sharp drop of 14 percent in the price of gasoline, but the
cost of a broad range of goods including clothes, milk and vegetables
also fell sharply.
A sustained drop in prices could worsen the slowdown by straining
businesses and workers. It could also blunt the impact of interest rate
cuts and other actions by the Federal Reserve and force policy makers
to use more unconventional tools to revive the economy.
“This month, it’s more than slowing, it’s outright contraction,” said
James O’Sullivan, United States economist at UBS. “And yes, if you
extrapolate that, it’s deflation.”
In a speech Wednesday at a Washington conference, the vice chairman of
the Fed, Donald L. Kohn, said the risk of deflation remained slight but
was increasing. “Whatever I thought that risk was, four or five months
ago, I think it is bigger now even if it is still small,” Mr. Kohn
said. The Fed, he added, needs to be aggressive, if necessary, to
prevent a drop in prices.
The United States is not alone. Consumer prices also dipped in Britain,
France, Germany and the Netherlands in October, though the declines
were much smaller than the fall in America.
“The risk to the economy from pricing has rapidly moved from that of
rapid inflation to the disinflation that is now moving through the
system,” Joseph Brusuelas, chief economist of Merk Investments, wrote
in a note.
While lower prices, particularly in the case of gasoline, may feel like
good news, analysts say a broad and sustained decline in consumer
prices would be bad for the economy. Businesses that are forced to cut
prices to attract buyers will likely also be forced to cut workers,
eliminate overtime or cap wages.
The talk about falling prices is all the more remarkable because just a
few months ago many economists were concerned about inflation and the
prospect of stagflation, in which inflation and unemployment rise
simultaneously.
“It’s funny that just a few months ago everyone was wringing their
hands over inflation,” said Nariman Behravesh, chief economist at
Global Insight. “It’s gone. It’s over.”
But the data suggest that several years of growth in conspicuous
consumption have been quickly revered and in many respects the nation
is entering into a more frugal era.
For instance, room rates at luxury hotels fell 5.4 percent in the 28
days ended on Nov. 15, compared with a 1.3 percent increase at
mid-scale hotels that do not serve food, estimated Smith Travel
Research, a firm that studies the industry. Over all, hotel prices fell
1.6 percent in October, according to the Labor Department.
Retailers are resorting to drastic discounts to lure customers into
stores. Executives at Nordstrom, the department store chain, said on a
recent conference call with analysts that the company had lowered its
regular prices on more than 800 clothing styles by an average of 22
percent.
Saks, another department store, is promising customers who spend more
than $2,000 loans that carry no interest and require no payments for 12
months.
Economists said the tumbling consumer prices offered more evidence that
Americans have tightened their spending as job losses mounted and easy
credit dried up.
“We’re looking at a pretty deep recession now,” Mr. Behravesh said. “
All of a sudden, any pricing power that companies might have had is
gone. You’re going to see discounting like crazy going on. All kinds of
sales. You’re going to see all kinds of prices being slashed.”
A report on the beleaguered real estate market showed that housing
starts fell 4.5 percent in October, to a seasonally adjusted 791,000.
Housing starts last month were 38 percent lower than their October 2007
levels.
Talks
of another
Depression are overblown
Norwalk
HOUR column
Thursday, October 16, 2008
Q: I'm hearing more talk about a stock market crash and another
depression. I read an article on MarketWatch saying that we're in a
meltdown and that criticized financial journalists for not telling it
like it is. What's your take on this?
A: Columnist Jon Friedman did use the term "meltdown" and criticized
financial journalists for using what he calls wimpy, sugar-coated
language.
In speaking with Friedman recently, he said: "It is a meltdown. We are
seeing a historic change where nothing will ever be the same. It's
ludicrous for the media to parse words and not tell people what's going
on."
Friedman pointed to how stocks came "roaring back" after the one-day,
22 percent stock market crash on Oct. 19, 1987, whereas stocks have
continued to fall in this decline. He also said "now, all of these
layoffs are happening, including to some of the smartest people in
investment banking ... these jobs are going away and we won't need
people to do investment banking."
Friedman actually is wrong about the 1987 stock market recovery being
so quick. In fact, it actually took about 15 months for the market to
make back that one day's loss of 22 percent and nearly two years to
recoup that quick bear market decline totaling 36 percent.
I also think he is off base regarding the investment-banking industry,
which has had few job losses thanks to the absorption of failed
companies into healthy ones (e.g. Bear Stearns taken over by JP Morgan,
Lehman by Barclays, etc.).
I also see a different problem with some of the media coverage. In
recent weeks, I have observed an escalation among many in the media
using explosive, inflammatory language. More and more reporters are
using terms like "crash" when referring to the stock market and
"depression" while discussing the economy.
During the Great Depression of the 1930s, our nation's unemployment
broke 25 percent and our gross national product plunged by half by the
time the Depression ended. Our current unemployment is a tad over 6
percent and our gross domestic product hasn't eve yet had a down
quarter so it has yet to decline from its peak.
"It seems to me the media is using the most super-heated possible
language," says Don Luskin, chief investment officer for Trend
Macrolytics, who added, "If the media is holding back at all, which I
don't think it is, maybe it's because they don't want to just be the
conduit for the administration's or Congress's hype."
For sure, the stock market has suffered a significant decline the past
12 months -- amounting to about 25 percent from the peak to the most
recent low. And much of the housing and financial sectors have suffered
major declines. High energy prices hurt the airline and auto
industries. The unemployment rate has increased and now stands above 6
percent. But, there are reasons for optimism:
* Diversity of our economy
* Growth of emerging markets provides growing markets for our goods
* Increased productivity
* Energy prices have dropped significantly and inflationary concerns
waning
* Tax rates and interest rates are low.
Financial expert Eric Tyson is a Fairfield County resident, and a smart
guy. Author of "Mind Over Money" (CDS Books), "Investing for
Dummies" and "Personal Finance for Dummies" (Wiley), via e-mail:
eric@erictyson.com.



G L O B A L
Canada Says Deficit Larger Than Expected
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
May 25, 2009Filed at 4:58 p.m. ET
TORONTO (AP) -- Canada's finance minister said Monday the federal
deficit will be substantially more than projected because the economic
slowdown has been worse than expected.
Finance Minster Jim Flaherty predicted in January a deficit in Canada
for the first time in more than a decade, and said Monday that the
financial shortfall for 2009-2010 will be higher that the orginal
forecast of 34 billion Canadian dollars ($30 billion).
Flaherty said lower tax revenues and increased spending on unemployment
insurance are two of the major reasons.
Canada's central bank has projected that then country's gross domestic
product fell 7.3 percent in the first three months of 2009, dropping at
the steepest pace in decades.
Canada has avoided bank bailouts and none of its major financial
institutions have failed. However, Canada and its economically hard-hit
neighbor, the United States, have the largest trading relationship in
the world and the financial crisis and the global sell-off of
commodities have hit Canada hard since last fall.
The government unveiled a $32 billion economic stimulus package in
January.
But Alberta's once-booming oil sands sector has cooled as every major
company has scrapped or delayed some expansion plans.
Canada lost a record 273,300 jobs in the first three months of the
year.
Goldman CEO Opposed to Full Bank Nationalization
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 9:50 a.m. ET
March 8, 2009
FRANKFURT (Reuters) - Goldman Sachs' <GS.N> chief executive said
he opposed the full nationalization of banks, but thought government
stakes could be sensible in extreme situations, in an interview with
German weekly Welt am Sonntag.
"I don't think that nationalization is a good solution. It is decisive
that the financial system is being stabilized and governments have to
act in a pragmatic manner," Lloyd Blankfein was quoted as saying.
"In extreme situations, it can be meaningful when the government takes
a stake. However, full control should be avoided," he added.
Asked about the case of stricken German property lender Hypo Real
Estate <HRXG.DE>, which has already received 87 billion euro
($110 billion) in state guarantees, Blankfein said: "There can be
extreme situations, where there is no alternative. Then the following
must apply: If the tax-payer raises the whole capital of a company, it
has to belong to him. Otherwise, the state
is in danger of taking only risks, without having the opportunities."
Blankfein also commented on the cases of U.S. bank Citigroup
<C.N> -- in which the U.S. government will hike its stake to 36
percent -- as well as struggling carmaker General Motors
<GM.N>. Asked whether it would only be a matter of time
until both companies would be fully nationalized, Blankfein said that,
so far, both companies were still not completely state-owned.
"Secondly, the main point was to avert immediate threats. In the case
of Citigroup, a real systemic risk for the financial markets had to be
contained. In the case of General Motors, the social implications of a
sudden breakdown would have been huge," he said.
The Bush administration in December approved a $17.4 billion bailout
for GM and Chrysler LLC <CBS.UL>, requiring the administration of
President Barack Obama to determine by March 31 whether both companies
can be commercially viable.
Blankfein said that the company would remain committed to its business
in Germany, adding that it is the "central economy in continental
Europe and for us the bridge to eastern Europe."
He also pointed to uncertainty within the European Union with regard to
state finances, particularly about who would contribute what, should a
member of the EU run into financing problems.
"How much has to be raised by the single state and how much will be
contributed by the European Union? Those questions are unanswered.
Unanswered questions make the markets feel insecure."
The market crisis has highlighted differences between economies in the
single euro zone with some countries, such as Ireland, seeing their
deficits balloon and there has been much talk about how euro zone
states can maintain solidarity.
($1=.7909 Euro)
Who
Got AIG's Bailout
Billions?
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 8:30 a.m. ET
March 8, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Where, oh where, did AIG's bailout billions go?
That question may reverberate even louder through the halls of
government in the week ahead now that a partial list of beneficiaries
has been published. The Wall Street Journal reported on Friday
that
about $50 billion of more than $173 billion that the U.S. government
has poured into American International Group Inc since last fall has
been paid to at least two dozen U.S. and foreign financial institutions.
The newspaper reported that some of the banks paid by AIG since the
insurer started getting taxpayer funds were: Goldman Sachs Group Inc,
Deutsche Bank AG, Merrill Lynch, Societe Generale, Calyon, Barclays
Plc, Rabobank, Danske, HSBC, Royal Bank of Scotland, Banco Santander,
Morgan Stanley, Wachovia, Bank of America, and Lloyds Banking
Group.
Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs declined to comment when contacted by
Reuters. Bank of America, Calyon, and Wells Fargo, which has absorbed
Wachovia, could not be reached for comment.
The U.S. Federal Reserve has refused to publicize a list of AIG's
derivative counterparties and what they have been paid since the
bailout, riling the U.S. Senate Banking Committee. Federal
Reserve
Vice Chairman Donald Kohn testified before that committee on Thursday
that revealing names risked jeopardizing AIG's continuing business.
Kohn said there were millions of counterparties around the globe,
including pension funds and U.S. households.
He said the intention was not to protect AIG or its counterparties, but
to prevent the spread of AIG's infection. The Wall Street
Journal,
citing a confidential document and people familiar with the matter,
reported that Goldman Sachs and Deutsche Bank each got about $6 billion
in payments between the middle of September and December last year.
Once the world's largest insurer, AIG has been described by the United
States as being too extensively intertwined with the global financial
system to be allowed to fail.
The Federal Reserve first rode to AIG's rescue in September with an $85
billion credit line after losses from toxic investments, many of which
were mortgage related, and collateral demands from banks, left AIG
staring down bankruptcy. Late last year, the rescue packaged was
increased to $150 billion. The bailout was overhauled again a week ago
to offer the insurer an additional $30 billion in equity.
AIG was first bailed out shortly after investment bank Lehman Brothers
was allowed to fail and brokerage Merrill Lynch sold itself to Bank of
America Corp. Bankruptcy for AIG would have led to complications
and
losses for financial institutions around the world doing business with
the company and policy holders that AIG insured against losses.
Representative Paul Kanjorski told Reuters on Thursday that he had been
informed that a large number of AIG's counterparties were European.
"That's why we
could not allow AIG to fail as we allowed Lehman to
fail, because that would have precipitated the failure of the European
banking system," said Kanjorski, a Democrat from Pennsylvania who
chairs the House Insurance Subcommittee.
TOXIC ASSETS/TOXIC WASTE
As part of its business, AIG insured counterparties on mortgage-backed
securities and other assets. The collapse of the U.S. subprime mortgage
market, which triggered a global financial crisis, left the insurer and
some of its policy holders facing possible ruin as the value of assets
declined.
U.S. regulators failed to recognize how much risk AIG was piling on in
credit-default swaps, and by the time they understood, they had no
choice but to pour in billions of public dollars, Kohn and other
officials told the Senate panel. Senators were outraged by the
lack of
details about where the bailout money has gone.
"That we find ourselves in this situation at all is ... quite frankly,
sickening," said Senator Christopher Dodd, the Democrat who chairs the
committee. "The lack of transparency and accountability in this process
has been rather stunning."
Eric Dinallo, superintendent of New York State's Insurance Department,
railed on Friday against AIG's failed business model, likening its
insuring credit-default swaps as gambling with somebody else's money.
"It's like
taking insurance on your neighbor's house and even maybe
contributing to blowing it up," he said at a panel sponsored by New
York University's Stern School of Business.
U.S. lawmakers have said they are running out of patience with
regulators' refusal to identify AIG's counterparties.
Battle
Over UBS Secret Accounts Heads to Court
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 11:53 a.m. ET
February 23, 2009
MIAMI (AP) -- The battle between the Internal Revenue Service and Swiss
bank UBS AG is heading to court.
The IRS wants a federal judge to order UBS to turn over about 52,000
names of wealthy Americans with secret accounts. UBS contends that
doing that would be a violation of Swiss law and could force the bank
to lose its license to do business.
A hearing was set Monday. The IRS is pushing U.S. District Judge Alan
Gold to issue an immediate ''show cause'' order requiring UBS to
demonstrate why it can keep the names of its U.S. customers secret. UBS
wants more time to make its arguments.
The IRS says U.S. taxes haven't been paid for years on those accounts,
which hold about $14.8 billion in assets.
Japan's economy shrinks at fastest
pace in 35 years
Norwalk Hour
By TOMOKO A. HOSAKA, Associated
Press
Posted on 02/15/2009
Japan's economy contracted in the fourth quarter at the fastest pace in
35 years as a collapse in global demand battered the world's
second-largest economy.
Japan's gross domestic product, or the total value of the nation's
goods and services, dropped at an annual pace of 12.7 percent in the
October-December period, the government said today. That's the
steepest drop for Japan since the oil shock of 1974. It far outpaces
declines of 3.8 percent in the U.S. and 1.2 percent in the euro
zone. The contraction underscores the vulnerability of Asia's
export-driven economies during global downturns and point toward more
cuts in jobs, production and profits in the coming months.
A survey of economists by the Kyodo news agency had projected an 11.6
percent fourth-quarter contraction. Japan had its third straight
quarter of decline. The GDP fell 1.8 percent in the July-September
period.
Fourth-quarter GDP fell 3.3 percent from the previous three-month
period, and for 2008, it contracted 0.7 percent -- the first decline in
nine years, according to the Cabinet Office. With recovery
nowhere in sight, Japan is now in the midst of its worst downturn since
World War II, analysts say.
"Since October, economic indicators have deteriorated at a pace that
defies any rule of thumb," Tetsufumi Yamakawa, chief Japan economist at
Goldman Sachs, said in a recent report. "There has been an
unprecedented large decline in exports and production-related
indicators in particular, not only in Japan but throughout Asia."
Japan's real exports plummeted a record 13.9 percent in the fourth
quarter, the government said, as the deepening global slowdown choked
off demand for the country's cars and gadgets. An appreciating yen also
hurt the country's exporters, including Toyota Motor Corp. and Sony
Corp.
Japanese electronics company Pioneer Corp. said last week it will cut
10,000 jobs globally, joining a growing list of the country's corporate
giants scrambling to slash their payrolls. Sony Corp. is shedding 8,000
workers, while Nissan Motor Co. and NEC Corp. are each cutting 20,000.
Japan slipped into recession in the third quarter after its GDP
contracted an annualized 3.7 percent in the April-June period. A
recession is commonly defined as two consecutive quarters of negative
growth, though many economists using other parameters say the current
downturn actually began in late 2007. Media reports over the
weekend said Japan may be considering additional measures to shore up
its economy with fresh spending likely to top 10 trillion yen ($109
billion).
Lawmakers are debating a record 88.5 trillion yen ($963 billion) budget
for the fiscal year starting in April. The Yomiuri Shimbun said once
parliament passes the budget, Prime Minister Taro Aso -- who faces
dismal approval ratings -- will announce the extra economic
measures. Japan's central bank, which lowered its key interest
rate to 0.1 percent in December, has introduced various steps to try to
thaw a corporate credit crunch. But there is little it can do to
address the unprecedented decline in external demand.
The Bank of Japan policy board is scheduled to start a two-day meeting
Wednesday.
In stock markets, the benchmark Nikkei 225 index was down 0.99 percent
at 7,702.24.
Laid-Off Foreigners Flee as Dubai
Spirals Down
NYTIMES
By ROBERT F. WORTH
February 12, 2009
DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Sofia, a 34-year-old Frenchwoman, moved
here a year ago to take a job in advertising, so confident about
Dubai’s fast-growing economy that she bought an apartment for almost
$300,000 with a 15-year mortgage.
Now, like many of the foreign workers who make up 90 percent of the
population here, she has been laid off and faces the prospect of being
forced to leave this Persian Gulf city — or worse.
“I’m really scared of what could happen, because I bought property
here,” said Sofia, who asked that her last name be withheld because she
is still hunting for a new job. “If I can’t pay it off, I was told I
could end up in debtors’ prison.”
With Dubai’s economy in free fall, newspapers have reported that more
than 3,000 cars sit abandoned in the parking lot at the Dubai Airport,
left by fleeing, debt-ridden foreigners (who could in fact be
imprisoned if they failed to pay their bills). Some are said to have
maxed-out credit cards inside and notes of apology taped to the
windshield.
The government says the real number is much lower. But the stories
contain at least a grain of truth: jobless people here lose their work
visas and then must leave the country within a month. That in turn
reduces spending, creates housing vacancies and lowers real estate
prices, in a downward spiral that has left parts of Dubai — once hailed
as the economic superpower of the Middle East — looking like a ghost
town.
No one knows how bad things have become, though it is clear that tens
of thousands have left, real estate prices have crashed and scores of
Dubai’s major construction projects have been suspended or canceled.
But with the government unwilling to provide data, rumors are bound to
flourish, damaging confidence and further undermining the economy.
Instead of moving toward greater transparency, the emirates seem to be
moving in the other direction. A new draft media law would make it a
crime to damage the country’s reputation or economy, punishable by
fines of up to 1 million dirhams (about $272,000). Some say it is
already having a chilling effect on reporting about the crisis.
Last month, local newspapers
reported that Dubai was canceling 1,500 work visas every day, citing
unnamed government officials. Asked about the number, Humaid bin Dimas,
a spokesman for Dubai’s Labor Ministry, said he would not confirm or
deny it and refused to comment further. Some say the true figure is
much higher.
“At the moment there is a readiness to believe the worst,” said Simon
Williams, HSBC bank’s chief economist in Dubai. “And the limits on data
make it difficult to counter the rumors.”
Some things are clear: real estate prices, which rose dramatically
during Dubai’s six-year boom, have dropped 30 percent or more over the
past two or three months in some parts of the city. Last week, Moody’s
Investor’s Service announced that it might downgrade its ratings on six
of Dubai’s most prominent state-owned companies, citing a deterioration
in the economic outlook. So many used luxury cars are for sale , they
are sometimes sold for 40 percent less than the asking price two months
ago, car dealers say. Dubai’s roads, usually thick with traffic at this
time of year, are now mostly clear.
Some analysts say the crisis is likely to have long-lasting effects on
the seven-member emirates federation, where Dubai has long played
rebellious younger brother to oil-rich and more conservative Abu Dhabi.
Dubai officials, swallowing their pride, have made clear that they
would be open to a bailout, but so far Abu Dhabi has offered assistance
only to its own banks.
“Why is Abu Dhabi allowing its neighbor to have its international
reputation trashed, when it could bail out Dubai’s banks and restore
confidence?” said Christopher M. Davidson, who predicted the current
crisis in “Dubai: The Vulnerability of Success,” a book published last
year. “Perhaps the plan is to centralize the U.A.E.” under Abu Dhabi’s
control, he mused, in a move that would sharply curtail Dubai’s
independence and perhaps change its signature freewheeling style.
For many foreigners, Dubai had seemed at first to be a refuge,
relatively insulated from the panic that began hitting the rest of the
world last autumn. The Persian Gulf is cushioned by vast oil and gas
wealth, and some who lost jobs in New York and London began applying
here.
But Dubai, unlike Abu Dhabi or nearby Qatar and Saudi Arabia, does not
have its own oil, and had built its reputation on real estate, finance
and tourism. Now, many expatriates here talk about Dubai as though it
were a con game all along. Lurid rumors spread quickly: the Palm
Jumeira, an artificial island that is one of this city’s trademark
developments, is said to be sinking, and when you turn the faucets in
the hotels built atop it, only cockroaches come out.
“Is it going to get better? They tell you that, but I don’t know what
to believe anymore,” said Sofia, who still hopes to find a job before
her time runs out. “People are really panicking quickly.”
Hamza Thiab, a 27-year-old Iraqi who moved here from Baghdad in 2005,
lost his job with an engineering firm six weeks ago. He has until the
end of February to find a job, or he must leave. “I’ve been looking for
a new job for three months, and I’ve only had two interviews,” he said.
“Before, you used to open up the papers here and see dozens of jobs.
The minimum for a civil engineer with four years’ experience used to be
15,000 dirhams a month. Now, the maximum you’ll get is 8,000,” or about
$2,000.
Mr. Thiab was sitting in a Costa Coffee Shop in the Ibn Battuta mall,
where most of the customers seemed to be single men sitting alone,
dolefully drinking coffee at midday. If he fails to find a job, he will
have to go to Jordan, where he has family members — Iraq is still too
dangerous, he says — though the situation is no better there. Before
that, he will have to borrow money from his father to pay off the more
than $12,000 he still owes on a bank loan for his Honda Civic. Iraqi
friends bought fancier cars and are now, with no job, struggling to
sell them.
“Before, so many of us were living a good life here,” Mr. Thiab said.
“Now we cannot pay our loans. We are all just sleeping, smoking,
drinking coffee and having headaches because of the situation.”
A New York Times employee in Dubai
contributed reporting.
Global Worries Over U.S. Stimulus
Spending
NYTIMES
By NELSON D. SCHWARTZ
January 30, 2009
DAVOS, Switzerland — Even as Congress looks for ways to expand
President Obama’s $819 billion stimulus package, the rest of the world
is wondering how Washington will pay for it all.
Few people attending the World Economic Forum question the need to
kick-start America’s economy, the world’s largest, with a package that
could reach $1 trillion over two years. But the long-term fallout from
increased borrowing by the United Stated government, and its potential
to drive up inflation and interest rates around the world, seems to
getting more attention here than in Washington.
“The U.S. needs to show some proof they have a plan to get out of the
fiscal problem,” said Ernesto Zedillo, the former Mexican president who
helped steer his country through a financial crisis in 1994. “We, as
developing countries, need to know we won’t be crowded out of the
capital markets, which is already happening.”
Mr. Zedillo said that Washington, unlike most other countries, had the
option of simply printing more money, because the dollar was a reserve
currency for the rest of the world.
Over the long run, that could force long-term interest rates higher and
drive down the value of the dollar, undermining the benefits that come
with its special status.
Until now, most fears about surging government debt have focused on
borrowing by European countries like Spain, Greece and especially
Britain, which is also in the midst of a sizable bank bailout. That
recently forced the British pound to a 23-year low against the dollar.
While the dollar’s status as refuge in a time of turmoil should prevent
that kind of sell-off for now, a number of financial specialists warned
that if fundamental factors like the lack of American savings and
bloated budget deficits did not change, the dollar could eventually
fall sharply .
“There aren’t that many safe havens,” said Alan S. Blinder, a Princeton
economist who is a former vice chairman of the Federal Reserve in
Washington, explaining why the dollar’s status as a reserve currency is
unlikely to be threatened.
Instead, it is the dollar’s long-term value against other currencies
that is vulnerable. “At some point, there may be so much Treasury debt,
that investors may start wondering if they are overloaded in dollar
assets,” Mr. Blinder said.
While the focus in Washington has been on putting together a stimulus
package that will attract broader political support when it comes up
for a vote in the Senate, here in Davos the talk has been about the
coming avalanche of Treasury debt needed to pay for the plan on top of
the bailout measures approved last fall, like the $700 billion Troubled
Asset Relief Program, or TARP.
The stimulus was approved Wednesday by the House without Republican
support, and could grow larger — mostly likely with additional tax cuts
— to attract a bipartisan coalition.
American officials maintain they are aware of the challenge. A top
White House adviser, Valerie Jarrett, promised in Davos on Thursday
that once the stimulus plan achieved its intended affect, the United
States would “restore fiscal responsibility and return to a sustainable
economic path.”
To be sure, Congress and the White House will ultimately need to refill
the government’s coffers, but how they might do that is barely on the
radar screen in Washington at this point.
“Even before Obama walked through the White House door, there were
plans for $1 trillion of new debt,” said Niall Ferguson, a Harvard
historian who has studied borrowing and its impact on national power.
He now estimates that some $2.2 trillion in new government debt will be
issued this year, assuming the stimulus plan is approved.
“You either crowd out other borrowers or you print money,” Mr. Ferguson
added. “There is no way you can have $2.2 trillion in borrowing without
influencing interest rates or inflation in the long-term.”
Mr. Ferguson was particularly struck by the new borrowing because the
roots of the current crisis lay in an excess of American debt at all
levels, from homeowners to Wall Street banks.
“This is a crisis of excessive debt, which reached 355 percent of
American gross domestic product,” he said. “It cannot be solved with
more debt.”
While Mr. Ferguson is a skeptic of the Keynesian thinking behind
President Obama’s plan — rather than borrowing and spending to
stimulate the economy, he favors corporate tax cuts — even supporters
of the plan like Mr. Zedillo and Stephen Roach of Morgan Stanley have
called on the White House to quickly address how it will pay for the
spending in the long-term.
“It’s huge,” Mr. Roach, the chairman of Morgan Stanley Asia, said.
“President Obama has now laid out a scenario of multiyear,
trillion-dollar deficits.”
The stimulus is widely expected to pass, but once it does, Mr. Roach
said the focus would shift to “who foots the bill and what is the exit
strategy. We don’t have the answer to either question.”
Mr. Zedillo, who remembers how Mexico was forced to tighten its belt
when it received billions from Washington to keep its economy from
collapsing in 1994, was even more blunt.
“People are not stupid,” Mr. Zedillo said. “They see the huge deficit,
the huge spending, and wonder what comes next.”

REMEMBER
MARC RICH AND HIS PARDON (RELATED TO
ATT'Y GENERAL DESIGNATE ERIC HOLDER)?
Marc Rich Is One Victim Unlikely
to Go to Court
NYTIMES
By ALISON LEIGH COWAN
January 9, 2009 Many investors who have lost money as
clients of the
financier Bernard L. Madoff have done what anyone might be expected to
do in that situation: seek recourse through the courts.
But one victim, Marc Rich, would seem unlikely to go that route because
of his own legal issues. Mr. Rich is the commodities trader who fled to
Switzerland in 1983 to escape prosecution on charges of financial
crimes and later received a pardon from President Bill Clinton on the
last night of his administration in 2001.
Monika Meili, a spokeswoman for Mr. Rich’s office in Zug, told
Bloomberg News on Thursday, “We can confirm that the Marc Rich Group
and Marc Rich have an insignificant exposure held indirectly, which has
no material impact on the overall financial situation of the group.”
The loss was $10 million to $15 million, according to someone with long
knowledge of Mr. Rich’s finances who insisted on anonymity because he
had not been authorized to speak.
He and another person, also knowledgeable about Mr. Rich’s finances,
said the loss stemmed from Mr. Rich’s association with the money
manager J. Ezra Merkin.
Mr. Merkin, a hedge fund investor whose Park Avenue firm said until
recently that it had $5 billion under management, has invested for Mr.
Rich for years. Mr. Merkin told his clients last month that he had
entrusted more than $1 billion of their money to Mr. Madoff and that
the likelihood of recovery was difficult to gauge. At least two of
those clients, New York University and New York Law School, have sued
Mr. Merkin, claiming he mishandled their money and misrepresented how
he operated.
Mr. Merkin’s lawyer Andrew J. Levander was traveling on business and
was not available, his office said.
Andy Merrill, a spokesman for Mr. Merkin. said, “As a matter of policy,
they don’t comment on specific investors.”
The idea that Mr. Rich, once a fugitive, may now turn to an American
court to seek redress struck some lawyers as fraught with problems and
unlikely at best. “I don’t think you’ll ever see Marc Rich personally,”
as a plaintiff in an American courtroom, said John F. Fornaciari, a
Washington defense lawyer at Sheppard Mullin, who stifled a laugh about
the legal complications stemming from the flight from justice and the
contested pardon.
“If there’s some way for him to sue because the investments were made
by a corporation, and it was arguably corporate money, and it had a
president and it wasn’t him, and they lost money in the Madoff scandal,
then that corporation might be able to sue without him being required
to show up,” Mr. Fornaciari said. “But if there’s anything that
required him to show up, he’s not coming.”
Gerald B. Lefcourt, a former president of the National Association of
Criminal Defense Lawyers, also gauged the likelihood of Mr. Rich’s
pressing a claim as “little or none.”
“He’ll never appear for discovery proceedings that will be required,
and he’s not going to be sympathetic to any party, including the
courts, after his failure to appear, notwithstanding the fact he was
pardoned,” Mr. Lefcourt said. The pardon backfired in some ways by
igniting public outrage and inviting prosecutorial interest in the
process for a man who has generally sought to keep a low profile. For
that reason, one longtime associate said he doubted Mr. Rich, who he
said was not an acquaintance of Mr. Madoff’s, would seek any relief
from the courts.
Born in Antwerp, Belgium, 74 years ago, Mr. Rich moved to the United
States as a boy and rose to become a swashbuckling figure in
international finance. He married Denise Eisenberg, now a songwriter,
in 1966. They divorced 30 years later, but he relied heavily on her
contacts as a Democratic fund-raiser to help obtain his pardon. He also
enlisted scores of other influential people, including Ehud Barak, then
prime minister of Israel, and the conductor Zubin Mehta, to help
persuade Clinton administration officials to grant the pardon.
Mr. Rich apparently knew Mr. Merkin through the Fifth Avenue Synagogue,
where he was once a member. Mr. Merkin’s father, Hermann, was a founder
of the synagogue a half-century ago and Mr. Merkin is its current
president.
Many of the charitable institutions that once welcomed Mr. Merkin into
their inner sanctums, boards and investment committees because of his
investment acumen and success have been politely accepting his
resignation from those roles in recent weeks as he battles to save his
reputation and fortune from angry creditors.
Rabbi Yaakov Kermaier of the Fifth Avenue Synagogue, several of whose
members have also had serious financial setbacks in recent weeks
because of their association with Mr. Madoff or Mr. Merkin, said in an
e-mail message this week that Mr. Merkin’s term was winding down,
though not because of the scandal.
“The elections for synagogue president (and other officers) are in the
spring, though the formal nomination process begins months earlier,”
the message said. “Ezra Merkin’s presidential term concludes this
coming spring, and because of constitutional term limits, he is
ineligible to run for another term as president. Ezra has led our
community with extraordinary dedication and integrity, and I sincerely
hope that after he concludes his presidential term, he will continue to
serve our congregation in other capacities.”
Austria Names Supervisor for
Fraud-Hit Medici Bank
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 10:59 a.m. ET
January 2, 2009
VIENNA, Austria (AP) -- The Austrian government appointed a supervisor
Friday to oversee Medici Bank, which is reeling from more than $3
billion in losses blamed on Wall Street money manager Bernard Madoff.
Austria's Financial Markets Authority said it named Gerhard Altenberger
to the post. Altenberger, a state financial inspector, will oversee all
bank operations to ensure the stricken private lender ''carefully
adheres to all legal and contractual obligations,'' the agency said in
a statement.
Medici disclosed in December that it suffered huge losses it blamed on
Madoff, who U.S. prosecutors say defrauded investors worldwide of $50
billion. Medici has said its biggest losses came from its Herald USA
Fund and Herald Luxemburg Fund, which totaled $2.1 billion (euro1.5
billion). Both funds, along with other Medici investments, were exposed
to alleged the scam.
Medici CEO Peter Scheithauer and Werner Tripolt, who oversaw the bank's
executive committee, both resigned Friday.
Manufacturing Cools Around the
World
NYTIMES
By BETTINA WASSENER
January
3, 2009 - another forward-dated story!
HONG KONG — Manufacturing activity slumped in some of the world’s
leading economies in December, data on Friday showed, heralding more
pain for consumers and businesses.
A closely watched index of purchasing managers in the euro zone showed
manufacturing hit a low in December, falling to 33.9 from 35.6, with
all figures below 50 showing a contraction in manufacturing.
Similarly grim readings in Australia, China and India highlighted how
the Asia-Pacific region has become caught up in the global
turmoil. A report from the United States on Friday was also
widely expected to show manufacturing there contracting at its fastest
pace in nearly three decades last month. In China, the purchasing
managers’ index by the brokerage firm CLSA showed the manufacturing
sector had contracted for a fifth consecutive month. The survey showed
the steepest decline in its history.
“With five back to back P.M.I.s signaling contraction, the
manufacturing sector, which accounts for 43 percent of the Chinese
economy, is close to technical recession,” said Eric Fishwick, head of
economic research at CLSA in Hong Kong, in a note accompanying the
release.
The data added to the flood of statistical evidence from across
Asia-Pacific showing that the region is slowing faster than previously
thought as demand withers in the United States and Europe.
Australia’s a manufacturing index showed a seventh month of
contraction, and a similar survey in India showed activity down for a
second month in December. In South Korea, December data showed exports
plummeted 17.4 percent from a year earlier.
President Lee Myung-bak of South Korea pledged on Friday that the
government would go into “emergency” mode to pull the country out of
its economic crisis. And in Singapore, the economy shrank 12.5
percent in the last quarter of 2008 from the previous period, prompting
the trade and industry ministry to lower its growth forecast for 2009.
The ministry now expects Singapore’s economy to shrink up to 2 percent,
with only 1 percent growth at best. Previously, it had expected up to 2
percent growth.
Asian stock markets took Friday’s figures in stride, with the Hang Seng
index in Hong Kong gaining 4.5 percent. Stocks in Shanghai fell a
moderate 0.7 percent, and the benchmark indexes in South Korea and
Singapore both rose more than 2 percent. Shares in Europe were higher.
In London, the FTSE 100 was 1.1 percent higher while the CAC 40 in
Paris was up 2.2 percent and the DAX in Frankfurt, 2 percent.
Futures on Wall Street point to a higher opening. Still, the
worsening data, combined with a stream of company profit warnings,
production cuts and layoffs, raises the pressure on policymakers to
step up their efforts to bolster their economies. India was due
late on Friday to announce its second stimulus package in a month, and
countries across the region are widely expected to announce more
interest rate cuts in coming weeks.
The central bank in India on Friday cut interest rates for the fourth
time in less than three months. The Reserve Bank of India said in a
statement that it had cut the repurchase rate to 5.5 percent from 6.5
percent and the reverse-repurchase rate to 4 percent from 5 percent.
The so-called cash reserve ratio, or the proportion of deposits banks
must hold in reserve, was also cut to 5 percent from 5.5 percent,
releasing 200 billion rupees or about $4.1 billion into the banking
system.
“China’s economic outlook for 2009 will be best characterized as
‘getting worse before getting better,’ laying the foundation for a
firmer recovery in 2010,” said Qing Wang, chief economist for Greater
China at Morgan Stanley in Hong Kong.
Mr. Wang expected the pace of growth to continue to slow in the first
six months, before existing stimulus measures can take effect. “The
authorities have already made delivering economic growth a top policy
priority by adopting a campaign-style policy execution approach,” he
said. Mr. Wang expects interest rates to be cut aggressively by
another 1.35 percentage points this year. The country’s important
one-year lending rate is 5.31 percent. He added that a $586 billion
stimulus package announced in November “is unlikely to be the first and
only stimulus package for the entire year.”
The package includes substantial infrastructure spending, which will
begin to lead to increased activity once weather conditions allow
construction to begin in the spring. “The stimulus package provides a
short-term buffer for the economy, and other policy measures such as
health care and land reforms will be a long-term growth driver. This
should help the stock market at least to stabilize in 2009,” Yi Tang,
general manager at Edmond de Rothschild Asset Management in Hong Kong.
“We are seeing some encouraging signs that institutional investors are
starting to consider putting money back into equities in China and the
rest of Asia, hopefully in the next month or two,” he said. “But it
will take longer for retail investors — who are worried about their job
prospects and the wider economy — to go back into the market.”
The Great Unraveling
NYTIMES
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
December 17, 2008
Hong Kong
The stranger, a Western businessman, slipped into the chair next to me
at an Asia Society lunch here in Hong Kong and asked me a question that
I can honestly say I’ve never been asked before: “So, just how corrupt
is America?”
His question was occasioned by the arrest of the Wall Street money
manager Bernard Madoff on charges of running a Ponzi scheme that bilked
investors out of billions of dollars, but it wasn’t only that. It’s the
whole bloody mess coming out of Wall Street — the financial center that
Hong Kong moneymen had always looked up to. How could it be, they
wonder, that such brand names as Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and
A.I.G. could turn out to have such feet of clay? Where, they wonder,
was our Securities and Exchange Commission and the high standards that
we had preached to them all these years?
One of Hong Kong’s most-respected bankers, who asked not to be
identified, told me that the U.S.-owned investment company where he
works made a mint in the last decade cleaning up sick Asian banks. They
did so by importing the best U.S. practices, particularly the
principles of “know thy customers” and strict risk controls. But now,
he asked, who is there to look to for exemplary leadership?
“Previously, there was America,” he said. “American investors were
supposed to know better, and now America itself is in trouble. Whom do
they sell their banks to? It is hard for America to take its own
medicine that it prescribed successfully for others. There is no doctor
anymore. The doctor himself is sick.”
I have no sympathy for Madoff. But the fact is, his alleged Ponzi
scheme was only slightly more outrageous than the “legal” scheme that
Wall Street was running, fueled by cheap credit, low standards and high
greed. What do you call giving a worker who makes only $14,000 a year a
nothing-down and nothing-to-pay-for-two-years mortgage to buy a
$750,000 home, and then bundling that mortgage with 100 others into
bonds — which Moody’s or Standard & Poors rate AAA — and then
selling them to banks and pension funds the world over? That is what
our financial industry was doing. If that isn’t a pyramid scheme, what
is?
Far from being built on best practices, this legal Ponzi scheme was
built on the mortgage brokers, bond bundlers, rating agencies, bond
sellers and homeowners all working on the I.B.G. principle: “I’ll be
gone” when the payments come due or the mortgage has to be renegotiated.
It is both eye-opening and depressing to look at our banking crisis
from China. It is eye-opening because it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that the U.S. and China are becoming two countries, one
system.
How so? Easy, in the wake of our massive bank bailout, one can now look
at China and America and say: “Well, China has a big-state-owned
banking sector, next to a private one, and America now has a big
state-owned banking sector next to a private one. China has big
state-owned industries, alongside private ones, and once Washington
bails out Detroit, America will have a big state-owned industry next to
private ones.”
Yes, an exaggeration to be sure, but the truth is the differences are
starting to blur. For two decades, a parade of U.S. officials came to
China and lectured Beijing on the necessity of privatizing its banks,
said Qu Hongbin, the chief economist for China at HSBC. “So, slowly we
did that, and now, all of a sudden, we see everybody else nationalizing
their banks.”
It’s depressing because China in many ways feels more stable than
America today, with a clearer strategy for working through this crisis.
And while the two countries are looking more alike, they appear to be
on very different historical trajectories. China went crazy in the
1970s, with its Cultural Revolution, and only after the death of Mao
and the rise of Deng Xiaoping has it managed to right itself, gradually
moving to a market economy.
But while capitalism has saved China, the end of communism seems to
have slightly unhinged America. We lost our two biggest ideological
competitors — Beijing and Moscow. Everyone needs a competitor. It keeps
you disciplined. But once American capitalism no longer had to worry
about communism, it seems to have gone crazy. Investment banks and
hedge funds were leveraging themselves at crazy levels, paying
themselves crazy salaries and, most of all, inventing financial
instruments that completely disconnected the ultimate lenders from the
original borrowers, and left no one accountable. “The collapse of
communism pushed China to the center and [America] to the extreme,”
said Ben Simpfendorfer, chief China economist at Royal Bank of Scotland.
The Madoff affair is the cherry on top of a national breakdown in
financial propriety, regulations and common sense. Which is why we
don’t just need a financial bailout; we need an ethical bailout. We
need to re-establish the core balance between our markets, ethics and
regulations. I don’t want to kill the animal spirits that necessarily
drive capitalism — but I don’t want to be eaten by them either.
NEWSMAKERS OF
DIFFERENT STRIPES: VICTIMS - http://www.stamfordadvocate.com/ci_11645299?source=most_viewed

NYTIMES
biographical long Sunday story and Barron's
report
from 2001 on Madoff...
Madoff
on this
page, too;
also here
and here. Housing
bubble story
from the NYTIMES. Read about another Ponzi scheme...judge's ruling
on bail...
--------------------------------
Ponzi on the Potomac
National Review (from
POLITICO)
By: Gov. Tim Pawlenty
February 1, 2010 04:59 AM EST
The U.S. attorney general recently announced that the Justice
Department is beefing up its efforts to fight financial fraud such as
Ponzi schemes. Good. The agency should start by reviewing the spending
habits of the federal government, which is running the largest Ponzi
scheme our country has ever seen.
In a Ponzi scheme, organizers create the illusion of profit for early
investors by siphoning money from later participants. It works until
there is not enough income to pay the promised dividends, exposing the
fraud and leaving everyone broke. That is essentially what the federal
government is doing, as it continues to spend and promise far more than
can ever be paid for by current and future revenues.
Last week, the U.S. Senate increased the nation’s debt ceiling by an
additional $1.9 trillion. That vote was necessary to further the Ponzi
scheme. It should serve as a wake-up call that this level of spending
is unsustainable.
The debate is no longer between competing political philosophies — it
is a matter of basic mathematics. Here is a sampling of the facts:
• Federal government spending has grown nearly seven times faster than
median income since 1970, according to the U.S. Census Bureau and
Office of Management and Budget.
• At more than $12 trillion, the federal debt is already more than 80
percent of the nation’s gross domestic product and growing fast.
• The federal government’s total debt, including unfunded liabilities,
means about $600,000 of debt for every U.S. household.
Sooner or later, the federal government’s scheme will come crashing
down, and the loss will be mammoth.
But it doesn’t have to end that way. If our country takes bold and
decisive action soon, the worst effects can still be avoided.
We should start with the obvious. When the bathtub is overflowing, a
wise first response is to turn off the faucet. The federal government’s
spending-increase spigot needs to be shut off.
This will require a national understanding and acceptance of the
problem: We need to admit our addiction to the illusion of government
“free stuff” and demand that spending be cut in almost all areas.
This will not be easy. In recent decades, the national debt has grown
regardless of which party is in power because too many politicians seek
support by spending more, even though a sound economic future demands
they spend less.
That’s why we need an amendment to the U.S. Constitution to require a
balanced budget with limited exceptions for war, natural disasters and
other emergencies. Every state but one has a balanced budget
requirement, and while such requirements make for difficult decisions,
they work.
The president also should be given line-item veto authority power as a
budget enforcement tool. The experience of the states shows that this
is an effective way of preventing excessive spending.
Spending reduction tools alone will not meet this challenge. We must
also grow the economy. To that end, Congress should reject federal
legislation that places additional burdens on growth, such as the
proposed health care overhaul, cap-and-trade bill, labor union card
check and tax increases.
Instead, lawmakers should support policies that promote economic
growth. For example, the Bush tax cuts should be made permanent and tax
burdens on individuals and businesses should be further reduced. To
better compete overseas, Congress should finally pass the pending
free-trade agreements with South Korea and Colombia, and re-enact trade
promotion authority. And we should pass health care reforms that would
empower consumers to make smarter medical choices and lead to more
competition and lower costs.
Like most other states, Minnesota still faces its share of economic
challenges. However, during my two terms as governor, we have
dramatically slowed the growth of state government spending and moved
the state out of the Top 10 in tax burden. In the current budget
biennium, we actually reduced overall spending for the first time in
the state’s 150-year history. It has not been easy in a liberal state
such as Minnesota, especially during challenging economic times. But
it’s possible with a balanced budget requirement, line-item veto
authority, pro-growth policies and a lot of hard work and determination.
Ponzi schemes succeed because people want to believe in a free lunch as
long as the easy money is rolling in. But a day of reckoning always
arrives, and ours is right around the corner. The sooner we open our
eyes, the sooner we can clean up this mess.
Civil
Madoff-related fraud charges dismissed
YAHOO
By LARRY NEUMEISTER, Associated Press Writer
Feb. 2, 2010
NEW YORK – Finding accusations "speculative and flimsy," a judge has
dismissed civil securities fraud charges against a New York brokerage
firm and its executives that resulted from a probe into Bernard
Madoff's epic fraud.
The charges brought by the Securities and Exchange Commission were
dismissed Monday against Cohmad Securities Corp., its chairman, Maurice
"Sonny" Cohn, his daughter, Chief Operating Officer Marcia Cohn, and
vice president and broker Robert Jaffe.
U.S. District Judge Louis L. Stanton gave the SEC permission to refile
the charges but only if it can provide facts to back them up.
"Nowhere does the complaint allege any fact that would have put
defendants on notice of Madoff's fraud," Stanton wrote. "Rather, the
complaint supports the reasonable inference that Madoff fooled the
defendants as he did individual investors, financial institutions and
regulators."
Madoff, 71, is serving a 150-year prison sentence after admitting that
he operated a giant Ponzi scheme for at least two decades, cheating
thousands of individuals, charities, celebrities and institutional
investors out of billions of dollars.
Clifford Thau, a lawyer for Cohmad and the Cohns, welcomed the ruling,
saying in a statement: "We remain confident that the SEC will not be
able to allege any new facts that will cure the deficiencies that Judge
Stanton found in the SEC's complaint."
Messages for comment left with the SEC and a lawyer for Jaffe were not
immediately returned.
Criminal and civil investigators have been probing the history of the
Madoff company, his employees, his relatives and anyone who promoted
his private investment business to find those culpable for the
financial disaster that was revealed by Madoff in December 2008.
Last year, the SEC accused the defendants in a lawsuit of securities
fraud, saying they collected several hundred million dollars in fees
from Madoff to solicit affluent though financially unsophisticated
people to trust their money to him.
The regulators said the defendants were crucial to Madoff's success
because they gave the impression that one could only invest with Madoff
as a favor through special access.
In his ruling, the judge noted that Madoff had operated his business
since 1960 and that Maurice Cohn is Madoff's former neighbor.
Cohmad was formed in 1985 and Marcia Cohn joined in 1988, three years
before Madoff says he began operating his business as a fraud, the
judge said. He also noted that the Cohns worked in Cohmad's New York
office on the same floors as Madoff's legitimate market-making business.
Jaffe, who lives in Palm Beach, Fla., previously headed Cohmad's Boston
office. He is a son-in-law of Carl Shapiro, a prominent Boston-area
businessman and philanthropist whose family was said to have lost
hundreds of millions of dollars from their investments with Madoff.
In its complaint, the SEC said Madoff directed Cohmad and the Cohns to
maintain a cloud of secrecy about his business and banned all written
marketing materials, cold calls and emails. It said he also told the
defendants he would not accept investors in the finance and banking
industry because sophisticated investors ask too many questions.
The Cohns countered the allegations by saying an aura of exclusivity is
a common marketing tactic.
The judge rejected the SEC's conclusion that the defendants' fraudulent
intent could be inferred from allegations that Cohmad failed to
disclose the full extent of its relationship with Madoff in its
regulatory filings and books and records.
He said the argument "that that concealment was because any defendant
knew that Madoff was committing fraud is speculative and flimsy."
Madoff
Arrives at Federal Prison in North Carolina
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 15, 2009
The convicted swindler Bernard L. Madoff arrived at a federal prison in
Butner, N.C., on Tuesday to start serving a 150-year sentence.
A spokeswoman for Federal Bureau of Prisons, Linda Thomas, said Mr.
Madoff arrived at the Butner Federal Correctional Complex on Tuesday
morning, after a brief stay at an Atlanta prison while in transit from
the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Lower Manhattan.
Mr. Madoff, 71, has a projected release date of Nov. 14, 2139, assuming
he gets early release credit for good behavior while in prison. He is
listed in Bureau of Prisons records as prisoner No. 61727-054.
Mr. Madoff pleaded guilty in March to fraud charges after he admitted
that he ran a multibillion-dollar Ponzi scheme that wiped out thousands
of investors and ruined charities.
Mr. Madoff had requested that he be kept in a federal prison in
Otisville, N.Y., and Judge Denny Chin, who presided over the case, had
recommended that he stay in the Northeast.
The Butner Federal Correctional Complex, located about 45 miles
northwest of Raleigh, includes two medium-security facilities, a
low-security facility and a hospital, according to the Bureau of
Prisons Web site. Within the federal prison system, it is perhaps best
known for its hospital facility to treat elderly or ill prisoners.
Among the prison’s other inmates are the founder of Adelphia
Communications, John Rigas, and Mr. Rigas’s son Timothy, who were found
guilty of securities fraud in 2004.
Madoff
Sentenced to 150 Years in Prison for
Ponzi Scheme
NYTIMES
By JACK HEALY
June 30, 2009
A federal judge sentenced Bernard L.
Madoff to 150 years in prison on Monday for operating a huge Ponzi
scheme that devastated thousands of people, calling his crimes
“extraordinarily evil.”
In pronouncing the sentence — the maximum he could have handed down —
Judge Denny Chin turned aside Mr. Madoff’s own assertions of remorse
and rejected the suggestion from Mr. Madoff’s lawyers that there was a
sense of “mob vengeance” surrounding calls for a long prison term.
“Objectively speaking, the fraud here was staggering,” the judge said.
“It spanned more than 20 years.”
After victims told a packed courtroom that he should be shown no mercy
in the case, Mr. Madoff stood up from the defense table to acknowledge
the damage he had inflicted and expressed regret.
“I’m responsible for a great deal of suffering and pain, I understand
that,” Mr. Madoff told the court. “I live in a tormented state now,
knowing all of the pain and suffering that I’ve created. I’ve left a
legacy of shame, as some of my victims have pointed out, to my family
and my grandchildren.”
Addressing his victims seated in the courtroom, he said: “I will turn
and face you. I’m sorry. I know that doesn’t help you.”
Prosecutors said that Mr. Madoff deserved the maximum sentence —
representing a life sentence and more for the disgraced 71-year-old
financier — for perpetrating one of the biggest investment frauds in
Wall Street history. Mr. Madoff’s own lawyers said he should receive
only 12 years, a sentence that would offer him the chance to walk out
of prison at age 83.
Mr. Madoff wore a dark suit, white shirt and a tie and sat at a
polished wood table, surrounded by his lawyers. Prosecutors sat
opposite them, and the viewing gallery was crowded with onlookers.
The hearing opened shortly after 10 a.m. with statements from victims
of the Madoff scheme, which took in some $65 billion before it
collapsed. Mr. Madoff’s victims stood up and told wrenching stories of
how they had lost everything in his scheme, and were now working
several jobs and living hand-to-mouth. They fought through tears,
connected Mr. Madoff to villains from Dante’s Inferno, spoke of their
feelings of betrayal and mistrust, and described how their families had
lost money that would have gone to caring for disabled relatives.
“How could someone do this to us?” said Dominic Ambrosino, a retired
New York City corrections officer who said he lost his life savings
with Mr. Madoff and was the first victim to speak. “We worked honestly
and so hard.”
Another victim, Sharon Lissauer, who said she invested all of her
savings with Mr. Madoff, told the court: “He should spend his whole
life in jail. He’s ruined so many people’s lives. He killed my spirit
and shattered my dreams.”
After Mr. Madoff’s victims finished speaking, his lawyer, Ira Lee
Sorkin, stood up and said the government’s request for a 150-year
sentence bordered on absurd. He called Mr. Madoff a “deeply flawed
individual,” but a human being nonetheless.
“Vengeance is not the goal of punishment,” Mr. Sorkin said.
Still, Mr. Sorkin added that Mr. Madoff expects to “live out his years
in prison.”
But in meting out the maximum sentence, Judge Chin pointed out that no
friends, family or other supporters had submitted any letters on Mr.
Madoff’s behalf, attesting to the strength of his character or good
deeds he had done.The hearing on Monday marked a climactic moment in
the criminal case against Mr. Madoff, whose name has become synonymous
with greed and fraud on Wall Street. Dozens of photographers and
television camera crews from New York to Britain to China waited
outside the federal district courthouse on Pearl Street as reporters,
legal teams and Mr. Madoff’s victims filed toward the courtroom where
Mr. Madoff will be sentenced.
“We’re hoping for a big sentence only as a deterrent,” Cynthia
Friedman, who said she lost her life savings with Mr. Madoff, said
outside the courtroom. “He can’t hurt us anymore.”
It was a scene reminiscent of the morning in March when Mr. Madoff
walked into the same courthouse with his lawyers and pleaded guilty to
a series of counts of fraud, theft and perjury. This time, however, Mr.
Madoff was brought to court from his jail cell at the Metropolitan
Correctional Center in Lower Manhattan.
Mr. Madoff’s case was playing out amid a tangle of lawsuits, criminal
and civil investigations, and competing claims for restitution prompted
by revelations of the outsize fraud at Bernard L. Madoff Investment
Securities.
It will be at least another three months before the judge makes a
decision on repaying the victims. Prosecutors requested more time to
sift through Mr. Madoff’s records to determine how much was lost and
how many people are owed.
Mr. Madoff’s accountant, David G. Friehling, was charged with
securities fraud in March, and is so far the only other person to face
criminal charges connected to the Ponzi scheme. A New York financier
whose clients lost $2 billion with Mr. Madoff has been charged with
fraud and deception in a civil suit by the New York State attorney
general.
The inspector general of the Securities and Exchange Commission is
examining how regulators failed for years to catch Mr. Madoff.
Investment funds that channeled money to Mr. Madoff have been sued, and
two have agreed to return millions they withdrew before Mr. Madoff’s
December arrest.
Mr. Madoff will most likely return to his cell at the Metropolitan
Correctional Center as federal prison officials determine where he will
serve his sentence.
For decades, Mr. Madoff built his reputation — and his client base — on
the promise of healthy returns that flowed in as reliably as the tides.
Big hedge funds and notables like Elie Wiesel and Sandy Koufax
entrusted their money to Mr. Madoff’s investment business, but so did
hundreds of retirees and smaller investors.
But the reliable returns and monthly investment statements simply
masked a Ponzi scheme that attracted new money to pay existing
investors and finance his operating costs.
When the cash ran out, the illusion imploded.
Banco
Santander to Pay $235 Million in Madoff Case
NYTIMES
Zachery Kouwe
May
26, 2009, 12:22 pm
Banco Santander, which funneled $3 billion of its clients’ money to
Bernard L. Madoff, agreed Tuesday to pay $235 million to settle
potential legal claims by the trustee liquidating Mr. Madoff’s
now-defunct brokerage firm.
The Spanish bank’s settlement with the trustee, Irving H. Picard, would
raise the amount of assets the trustee has recovered for victims of Mr.
Madoff’s enormous Ponzi scheme to more than $1.2 billion. As of
Memorial Day, letters for commitments in excess of $116 million had
been sent by Mr. Picard’s office to 237 victims of the Madoff fraud.
Mr. Picard said Santander, which had 17 million euros of its own
capital exposed to the fraud, settled for 85 percent of the original
claim against it. The bank steered money to Mr. Madoff through its
Geneva-based hedge fund unit, Optimal Investment Services, which earned
more than $100 million in fees from clients in 2006 and 2007.
Santander is one of several banks that have offered to compensate its
clients who lost money in the fraud. In his lawsuit, Mr. Picard claimed
that Optimal “should have known” about the fraud. He has sued several
feeder funds that invested with Mr. Madoff for more than $10 billion.
Spanish prosecutors have said they are investigating Santander’s
relationship with Mr. Madoff’s firm and are looking into into a trip
made by one of the bank’s executives to visit Mr. Madoff a few weeks
before he confessed to running a worldwide, multibillion-dollar Ponzi
scheme.
Mr. Madoff pleaded guilty to fraud charges in March and is being held
in jail in Manhattan ahead of his sentencing on June 29.
Receivers
to Control 3 Madoff - Linked Merkin Funds
By REUTERS
Filed at 12:42 p.m. ET
May 19, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Receivers would
take control of three hedge funds run by prominent money manager Ezra
Merkin and linked to the Madoff fraud, lawyers for New York's top legal
officer and Merkin said on Tuesday.
The lawyers said in court they had
reached an agreement in principal for one receiver to handle Ariel Fund
Ltd and Gabriel Capital LP and a second receiver to control Ascot
Partners LP as part of an effort to recover money for defrauded
investors.
"We believe this resolution in
principal will be in the public interest and serve the victims of the
fraud," David Markowitz, an attorney for New York Attorney General
Andrew Cuomo told State Supreme Court Justice Richard Lowe.
The judge gave Cuomo's office and
Merkin's lawyers until May 28 to finalize the agreement, which comes
after the attorney general sued Merkin for civil fraud in April,
accusing him of steering $2.4 billion to confessed swindler Bernard
Madoff and lying to investors.
Madoff, 71, a former nonexecutive
chairman of Nasdaq, pleaded guilty in March to running a fraud of up to
$65 billion, Wall Street's biggest investment scheme. He is jailed
awaiting sentencing on June 29 and he is likely to spend the rest of
his life in prison.
Merkin's lawyer, Andrew Levander,
said in a written statement on Tuesday that the fund founder was
working closely with Cuomo's office.
"As part of his continuing efforts
to maximize the returns to investors in the Funds, Mr. Merkin has
agreed in principle to appoint Guidepost Partners LLC, a leader in
global investigations, security, and compliance, as the receiver for
the Funds while he remains available to consult regarding the wind-down
at no cost to the Funds," the statement said.
When Cuomo sued Merkin, Levander
said Merkin performed extensive due diligence on Madoff, but he too was
misled just like other investors, which number as many as 7,000,
according to court documents.
Merkin also has been sued for more
than $500 million by a trustee appointed in Manhattan federal
bankruptcy court who is winding down the brokerage arm of Bernard L.
Madoff Investment Securities LLC. Merkin faces numerous lawsuits by
investors.
The proposal to appoint receivers
also needs to be reviewed by lawyers for New York University, one of
the institutions that sued Merkin.
The cases are People v J. Ezra
Merkin and Gabriel Capital Corp 450879/2009 and New York University v
Gabriel Capital Copr, J. Ezra Merkin, et al 603803/2008 in New York
State Supreme Court
http://www.madofftrustee.com/HardshipProgram.html
Madoff Trustee Starts
‘Hardship Program’ for Victims
NYTIMES
"Deal Book"
May 8, 2009, 2:10 pm
The trustee charged with recovering
assets for investors defrauded by Bernard L. Madoff has started a
“hardship program” for individual victims to accelerate payments from
the Securities Investor Protection Corporation.
The program, announced on Friday by
the trustee, Irving H. Picard, requires individual victims to file an
additional claim by July 2 to be eligible for an accelerated payment of
up to $500,000 from S.I.P.C. Feeder funds, partnerships and other
business entities are not eligible for the program, the trustee said.
In order to qualify, the trustee
plans to evaluate each application based on various indicators of
hardship. They include an inability to pay for necessary living
expenses like food, housing, transportation and medical expenses; the
necessity to return to work at the age of 65 or older; or declaring
personal bankruptcy.
Hundreds of victims of Mr. Madoff’s
vast global Ponzi scheme, many who are retirees, have lost their entire
life savings and have been forced to sell their homes and move in with
relatives. Mr. Picard is liquidating Mr. Madoff’s former firm and
collecting assets, which will eventually be divided up among the
victims of the fraud.
S.I.P.C., which provides insurance
to customers of failed brokerage firms, can reimburse Madoff victims up
to $500,000 each depending on how much they ultimately lost from the
fraud.
Madoff investors ordered to return false profits
DAY
Published on 4/24/2009
New York -- (AP) The trustee unraveling Bernard Madoff's Ponzi scheme
is threatening legal action to recover $735 million from investors who
unwittingly made money off the swindle.
For decades, Madoff paid steady profits to his clients, telling them
the money came from the stock market. But the gains were fictitious.
Madoff pleaded guilty last month to stealing from some investors to pay
bogus profits to others.
Trustee Irving Picard has sent letters to 223 investors, ordering them
to return money they withdrew before the scheme collapsed. He wants the
money to be divided evenly among all victims. Lawyers representing some
of those investors expressed dismay over the letters and said they
would challenge their legality.
Madoff
Is Jailed After Pleading Guilty
NYTIMES
By DIANA B. HENRIQUES and JACK HEALY
March 13, 2009
Bernard L. Madoff pleaded guilty Thursday to all the charges against
him and expressed remorse for a vast Ponzi scheme that bilked investors
out of billions of dollars.
Standing before Judge Denny Chin in United States District Court in
Manhattan, Mr. Madoff was sworn in and reminded that he was under oath.
Noting that he had waived indictment, Judge Chin asked, “How do you now
plead,” guilty or not guilty?
“Guilty,” Mr. Madoff responded.
His formal confession will cost him his liberty. Rather than letting
him remain free on bail and return to his apartment on the Upper East
Side of Manhattan, Judge Chin ordered Mr. Madoff immediately jailed as
he awaits sentencing.
“He has incentive to flee, he has the means to flee, and thus he
presents the risk of flight,” Judge Chin said. “Bail is revoked.”
The 11 counts of fraud, money laundering, perjury and theft to which
Mr. Madoff pleaded guilty carry maximum terms totaling 150 years.
Sentencing was scheduled for June 16.
Dressed in a gray suit, Mr. Madoff, 70, appeared in a courtroom packed
with journalists, lawyers and some of his victims. Flanked by his
lawyers, he stood up and began to answer questions from Judge Chin
about whether he understood the ramifications of his guilty plea,
whether he was satisfied with his legal representation and whether he
was competent to enter the guilty plea.
At first, Mr. Madoff’s voice was barely audible as he acknowledged the
litany of crimes.
“Try to keep your voice up so that I can hear you, please,” Judge Chin
said. At one point, Mr. Madoff asked for water.
In recounting how he sustained a 20-year fraud whose collapse erased as
much as $65 billion that his customers thought they had in their
accounts, Mr. Madoff said, “I believed it would end shortly and I would
be able to extricate myself and my clients from the scheme.”
“I cannot adequately express how sorry I am for what I have done,” he
said. “I am deeply sorrowful and ashamed.”
Although Mr. Madoff admitted to operating what he called “a Ponzi
scheme through the investment advisory side of my business,” he said
all other aspects of his enterprise, operated by his sons and brother,
were legitimate, profitable and successful.
The court session marked the first time since his arrest by federal
agents on Dec. 11 that Mr. Madoff had spoken publicly about how he ran
what was perhaps the largest fraud in Wall Street history, a global
scheme that ensnared hedge funds, nonprofit groups and celebrities, and
devastated the life savings of thousands of people.
During the 75-minute court hearing, a few victims were permitted to
speak up against accepting the plea. One was Maureen Ebel, who said:
“If we go to trial we have more of a chance to comprehend the global
scope of this horrendous crime. We can hear and bear witness to the
pain that Mr. Madoff has inflicted on the young, the old and the
infirm.”
A federal prosecutor, Marc O. Litt, said the government was continuing
its investigation and was looking for assets and anyone else who might
be criminally responsible for the fraud.
It remains unclear where the billions of dollars that his victims lost
has gone, and whether those victims will ever see any meaningful
restitution. Prosecutors have said the government is seeking $170
billion in forfeited assets from Mr. Madoff, apparently representing
all the money that ran through Madoff accounts traceable to the crimes.
A court-appointed trustee liquidating Mr. Madoff’s business has so far
only been able to identify about $1 billion in assets to satisfy claims.
This week, the government said Mr. Madoff had 4,800 client accounts at
the end of November supposedly containing $64.8 billion in customer
savings. But the government said Mr. Madoff’s business “held only a
small fraction of that balance.”
As Mr. Madoff arrived at the courthouse early Thursday morning,
helicopters buzzed overhead and television news trucks lined the
street. The day’s events marked a coda in the saga of a man whose name
has become shorthand for an entire era of greed and deceit on Wall
Street.
With the promise of steady, unwavering returns, Bernard L. Madoff
Investment Securities enticed thousands of investors including boldface
names like Senator Frank Lautenberg of New Jersey, the Hall of Fame
pitcher Sandy Koufax and a charity run by the Nobel Peace Prize
laureate Elie Wiesel.
This week, the government offered more details on how Mr. Madoff ran
the fraud that had financed his lush lifestyle of a beachfront mansion
in the Hamptons, an estate near the French Riviera and yachts in New
York, Florida and the Mediterranean.
Prosecutors said that Mr. Madoff concocted an elaborate charade to make
it seem like he was running a legitimate investment business when, in
reality, “no such business was actually being conducted.” He hired
employees with little training or experience and directed them to
generate false monthly account statements. He shuttled millions
between banks in New York and London to make it seem as if he was
“conducting securities transactions in Europe on behalf of investors
when, in fact, he was not conducting such transactions,” prosecutors
said. And they said he repeatedly lied to regulators from the
Securities and Exchange Commission to cover up his scheme.
Madoff
Waives Indictment, to Plead Guilty
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 3:48 p.m. ET
March 10, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - There was a "fair expectation" that accused
swindler Bernard Madoff will plead guilty on Thursday to criminal
charges in Wall Street's biggest fraud, his lawyer said in court on
Tuesday.
Asked by Judge Denny Chin in U.S. District Court in Manhattan whether
Madoff, 70, will plead guilty to 11 criminal counts by U.S. prosecutors
on Thursday, his lawyer, Ira Lee Sorkin, said: "I think that is a fair
expectation."
U.S. prosecutor Marc Litt said there was no plea agreement with Madoff.
At a court hearing in New York over potential conflicts of interest for
Sorkin, Madoff said "Yes I am" when asked by the judge whether he was
satisfied with his attorney continuing to represent him.
U.S. prosecutors have said Madoff, out on $10 million bail but under
24-hour house arrest and electronic surveillance in his luxury
Manhattan apartment, ran the biggest Ponzi scheme in history. A Ponzi
scheme is one in which early investors are paid with the money of new
clients.
The purported swindle ran for decades with amazingly consistent returns
of between 10 and 12 percent, but collapsed in last year's market
meltdown, shocking thousands of investors worldwide.
Prosecutors
indicate Madoff plea may be
in works
DAY
By LARRY NEUMEISTER, Associated Press Writer
Posted on Mar 6, 4:02 PM EST
NEW YORK (AP) -- Prosecutors filed
court papers Friday indicating Bernard Madoff may be ready to plead
guilty to charges arising from one of the biggest financial frauds in
history. Madoff, 70, is scheduled for court twice next week, including
a Tuesday appearance to waive any potential conflicts of interest
involving his lawyer, and a Thursday morning arraignment. A defendant
must enter a plea - guilty or not guilty - at an arraignment.
The U.S. attorney's office suggested
Friday in a brief court filing that the money manager is ready to waive
an indictment and one of Madoff's lawyers said he had already done so.
A waiver of indictment is a necessary procedural step before a
defendant enters a guilty plea.
Prosecutors have a deadline of next
Friday to bring an indictment against Madoff under the speedy-trials
law.
Madoff has been confined to his
Manhattan penthouse since his arrest in early December after
authorities said he told his family that he had engaged in a $50
billion fraud. Authorities have since said money lost by investors
might be less than $17 billion and the higher amount may represent
false profits.
Madoff has never contested the
allegations and recently surrendered millions of dollars in major
assets, actions that typically precede plea deals.
Investigators have spent the last
three months trying to untangle Madoff's complicated financial
operation while attempting to return what is left of his assets to
investors who lost billions. Madoff's cooperation could be key to
explaining the mysteries and intricacies of his business, and also
explain if others were involved in the fraud.
Daniel J. Horwitz, a Madoff defense
lawyer, would only say "we've waived the right to indictment and the
case will proceed by information."
Typically, a defendant is brought
before a judge, waives indictment and enters a guilty plea the same day
to a charging document known as an "information." It resembles an
indictment but is brought by prosecutors rather than a grand jury.
Prosecutor's spokeswoman Rebekah
Carmichael declined to comment.
Matthew Fishbein, a former chief of
the criminal division in the federal prosecutor's office in Manhattan
who is now in private practice, said a waiver of indictment is often
followed quickly by a guilty plea but it does not have to be imminent.
"This seems to be a more complicated
information and more back and forth going on. It may simply be that
this basically buys them some time," he said.
Madoff already has surrendered
rights to his business and any of the assets held by the business. A
trustee overseeing his assets said he has identified nearly $1 billion
in assets that are available to reimburse investors who have lost money.
Shortly after his arrest, Madoff
offered to relinquish many of his and his wife's assets, including
properties in Palm Beach, Fla., and Antibes, France, as well as his
boats and cars, according to a Jan. 13 court filing signed by Horwitz
and fellow defense attorney Ira Sorkin.
Madoff’s Lawyers Fight Efforts to Take Assets
NYTIMES
From Diana Henriques, a DealBook colleague:
March 2, 2009, 8:13 pm
Lawyers for Bernard L. Madoff have asked that
prosecutors be barred from seizing the Madoff’s New York City apartment
and $62 million in bonds and cash that they say belong to Mr. Madoff’s
wife, Ruth, and “are unrelated to the alleged Madoff fraud.”
The request was acknowledged, but not granted, in court documents filed
on Monday both by federal prosecutors and the trustee overseeing the
liquidation of Mr. Madoff’s estate for the benefit of customers who say
they have lost billions they entrusted to Mr. Madoff over many years.
Mr. Madoff’s assets were frozen in December after he was arrested on
charges of operating a worldwide Ponzi scheme, with losses he allegedly
said were as high as $50 billion. In January, his wife agreed to a
voluntary asset freeze when prosecutors, citing the couple’s effort to
mail out expensive jewelry to family and friends, sought to revoke her
husband’s bail.
Since then, a court-appointed trustee, Irving H. Picard of Baker &
Hostetler, has been working to identify and sell assets of the estate.
In an application on Monday to United States District Judge Louis L.
Stanton, Mr. Picard asked that Mr. Madoff be allowed to “voluntarily
transfer” other assets — including his stake in his brokerage firm,
artwork at his offices and corporate tickets for various entertainment
events — to the trustee for liquidation for the benefit of his former
customers.
Judge Stanton granted the request, opening the way for a series of
asset sales that could increase the value of the estate. Mr. Picard has
been attempting for more than two months to find a buyer for the
legitimate operations of Mr. Madoff’s firm, Bernard L. Madoff
Investment Securities. His application may indicate that a buyer has
been found — an event which may provide a substantial infusion of cash
into the estate, which so far totals less than $1 billion.
Judge Stanton did not lift the asset freeze covering the real estate
the Madoffs own: Mrs. Madoff’s apartment in Manhattan and her home in
Palm Beach and their home in Montauk, N. Y. But he did rule that
prosecutors could seize other Madoff property under federal forfeiture
laws without violating the asset freeze.
Texas
Financial Firm Accused by U.S. of $8 Billion Fraud
NYTIMES
By CLIFFORD KRAUSS, PHILLIP L. ZWEIG and JULIE CRESWELL
February 18, 2009
HOUSTON — Stopping what it called a “massive ongoing
fraud,” the Securities and Exchange Commission on Tuesday accused
Robert Allen Stanford, the chief of the Stanford Financial Group, of
fraud in the sale of about $8 billion of high-yielding certificates of
deposit held in the firm’s bank in Antigua. Also named in the suit were
two other executives and some affiliates of the financial group.
In the complaint, filed in Federal District Court in Dallas, the S.E.C.
accused Mr. Stanford and two associates — James M. Davis, a director
and chief financial officer of Stanford Group and the Antigua-based
bank affiliate, and Laura Pendergest-Holt, the chief investment officer
of both organizations — with misrepresenting the safety and liquidity
of the uninsured CDs.
The CDs were sold by Stanford International Bank through the firm’s
registered broker-dealer and investment adviser, which are in Houston.
Both the bank, which claims $8.5 billion in assets and 30,000 clients
in 131 countries, and the brokerage unit, which operates about 30
offices in the United States, were named in the S.E.C. suit. Stanford
Financial asserts that it advises about $50 billion in assets.
Shortly after 10 a.m. Central time, about 40 police officers and other
law enforcement officials simultaneously entered Stanford Group’s two
office buildings in Houston. Many of the law enforcement personnel
carried large black briefcases. Stanford group’s headquarters are in
two offices in Houston, one within a tower of the Houston Galleria
shopping mall, and the other across the street.
A spokesman for Stanford Group declined to comment.
In its complaint, the S.E.C. said it could not account for the $8
billion in assets that were housed in the Antigua bank after issuing
subpoenas for bank records and to various witnesses. Most witnesses,
including Mr. Stanford, Mr. Davis, and the Antigua-based bank’s
president, failed to appear to testify nor did they produce documents
shedding light on the assets.
Ms. Pendergest-Holt said in testimony to the S.E.C. that she could not
account for the assets, asserting that Mr. Stanford and Mr. Davis were
the only ones with access to the bank’s assets.
In the complaint, the S.E.C. called “improbable, if not impossible”
claims by the offshore bank that it paid “significantly” higher returns
on its CDs because of the high quality of its investments.
The S.E.C. accused the bank and its affiliates of falsely stating in
marketing materials that client funds were placed in liquid financial
instruments, when in fact they were invested in private equity funds
and real estate. On Nov. 28, Stanford International Bank quoted a rate
of 5.375 percent on a $100,000 three-year CD, compared with rates of
less than 3.2 percent at American banks. The bank recently has offered
rates of more than 10 percent on five-year CDs, the filing stated.
In the complaint, the S.E.C. requested that the defendants’ assets be
frozen and that a receiver be appointed to take control of business
operations. It also requested that the assets of the bank and other
offshore units be repatriated. And the agency asked that Mr. Stanford
and the other named executives be required to surrender their
passports.
The S.E.C. has come under fire in Congress and the media for ignoring
repeated warnings over a period of years about the Bernard L. Madoff,
who is accused of running a $50 billion Ponzi scheme. While
investigators have been looking at Mr. Stanford and his financial
empire’s activities for many months, the scrutiny into the
too-good-to-be-true returns on the CDs increased substantially after
the Madoff case.
Oddly enough, even the Stanford operation was touched by Mr. Madoff.
Despite the fact the Antigua-bank assured investors in a report in
December 2008 that it had no “direct or indirect” exposure Mr. Madoff’s
funds, the bank suffered an estimated $400,000 in losses, apparently
through investments in so-called “feeder funds.”
Additionally, the S.E.C. accused Stanford Capital Management, another
Houston-based investment advisory unit, of inflating the performance of
its $1.2 billion-asset Stanford Allocation Strategy mutual fund in
promoting it to prospective investors.
The complaint also accused the offshore banking unit and the
Houston-based broker dealer of violating provisions of the Investment
Company Act of 1940 in failing to register as an investment company.
Clifford Krauss reported from
Houston, and Phillip L. Zweig and Julie Creswell from New York.
Money
Manager Is Missing in Florida
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
January 18, 2009
MIAMI — A Florida money manager is missing and the police have opened
an investigation into the possible disappearance of “hundreds of
millions” of dollars, according to the authorities.
The police are searching for Arthur Nadel, 75, a prominent Sarasota
philanthropist and fund manager who was reported missing by his family
Wednesday. He left a note, described as a suicide note by The Sarasota
Herald- Tribune, that reported that investors could be out as much as
$350 million. The Sarasota police are investigating complaints
from at least five investors in Mr. Nadel’s funds, run from a
management office in Sarasota, that their money has disappeared.
“It was brought to our attention that there has been a very significant
number of victims with a very significant amount of money that has
disappeared,” Captain Bill Spitler of the Sarasota police said.
“Allegedly it’s hundreds of millions of dollars.”
The investigation began just over a month after the authorities
arrested Bernard L. Madoff, the suspected mastermind of a Ponzi scheme
that may have cost investors $50 billion...full
story here.
Madoff
Trustee Seeks Wide Power to Subpoena
NYTIMES
By DIANA B. HENRIQUES
January 3, 2009
The trustee overseeing the bankruptcy of Bernard L. Madoff’s trading
firm has made an urgent request to the court for unusually broad
authority to subpoena witnesses and documents, citing the vast scale of
what is alleged to be a $50-billion Ponzi scheme. While not
unprecedented, the request from the trustee, Irving H. Picard, is far
from routine, and it illustrates how much Mr. Picard’s burdens have
expanded beyond a trustee’s traditional tasks of identifying assets and
selling them to satisfy claims.
Noting that “the debtor’s operations were allegedly a massive
fraudulent enterprise,” Mr. Picard said he needed the authority to
issue expedited subpoenas to investigate those allegations — and that
his need was “most urgent.”
The request was filed Wednesday amid new allegations that Mr. Madoff
had been pulling in fresh investors — and at least $10 million in cash
— within a week of his arrest on Dec. 11 on federal fraud
charges. The trustee is just one of several investigators trying
to determine what Mr. Madoff did with investors’ money. Federal
prosecutors are conducting a criminal investigation, while the
Securities and Exchange Commission continues its regulatory inquiry.
The S.E.C. is also conducting an internal examination of why it failed
to respond aggressively to previous warnings about Mr. Madoff, going
back several years. And the House Financial Services Committee will
hold a hearing on Monday to explore the regulatory implications of the
Madoff case, with a witness list that includes the S.E.C.’s inspector
general. According to his lawyers, Mr. Madoff — free on a $10
million bond but confined to his Manhattan apartment — is cooperating
with federal authorities.
Few details have emerged about the case beyond those included in the
earliest complaints: That Mr. Madoff’s sons questioned him on Dec. 10
about his plan to distribute several hundred million dollars in bonuses
two months ahead of schedule; when confronted, he confessed that his
business was a fraud whose losses could run as high as $50 billion. His
sons promptly reported the confession to federal authorities, and their
father was arrested the next day.
In a case where so much remains unknown, the new complaint filed this
week by one of Mr. Madoff’s final investors offers a small glimpse into
his dealings with his customers in the days just before he was arrested.
The accusation was made by a family corporation set up by Martin
Rosenman, a resident of Great Neck, N.Y., and the president of
Stuyvesant Fuel Service, a heating oil distributor in the New York
area.
According to his lawyer, Howard Kleinhendler of Wachtel & Masyr,
Mr. Rosenman had been referred to Mr. Madoff by a friend who invested
successfully with him over many years — “the usual story,
unfortunately,” he added.
Around Dec. 3 — about the time Mr. Madoff was expressing some concern
to colleagues about getting $7 billion in redemption demands, according
to other court filings — Mr. Rosenman called Mr. Madoff at his office,
Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities. Mr. Rosenman wanted to
invest $10 million with Mr. Madoff, according to the complaint, filed
in federal bankruptcy court on Wednesday.
“Mr. Madoff stated that the fund was closed until Jan. 1, 2009, but
that Mr. Rosenman could wire money to a BMIS account where it would be
held until the fund opened after the New Year,” the complaint
continued. The money was wired to a Madoff bank account at JPMorgan
Chase on Dec. 5. On Dec. 9 — the day Mr. Madoff proposed the
early bonus payments and two days before he was arrested — Mr. Rosenman
was notified by the Madoff firm that his money had been received and
invested.
No record of that transaction has been found, Mr. Kleinhendler said.
“We don’t think it happened — we don’t think any securities were bought
or sold,” he added.
“To the contrary, we think he was deliberately collecting money,” he
continued. “He was trying to get more money in the door for this final
distribution he wanted to make.”
Although Mr. Madoff reportedly told his sons he had $100 million and
$200 million to distribute, it is up to Mr. Picard, the bankruptcy
trustee, to determine what assets can be recovered for the benefit of
customers of the firm. Besides his investigative efforts, Mr.
Picard is seeking a buyer for the separate proprietary and wholesale
stock-trading operations that, before this scandal, were the foundation
of Mr. Madoff’s reputation. Those operations have been suspended since
the scandal broke, and Lazard Frères & Company has been
hired by the trustee to help find a buyer for them.
In an exclusive interview on Friday, Mr. Picard said he was hopeful
that those stock-trading businesses would be sold quickly, “perhaps by
the end of next week.”
It is not clear what the businesses will fetch. Greg LaRoche of LaRoche
Research in Providence, R.I., said that one rule of thumb would value
them at about three times their net income, which would yield a price
of about $200 million based on an audit from late 2007 — a substantial
discount from the firm’s reported net worth of roughly $670 million at
that time. Other investment bankers were reluctant to put a price
on the Madoff operations, citing the uncertain market environment and
the cloud the firm is now under, although one said the range could be
$200 million to $400 million.
Mr. Picard was named bankruptcy trustee at the request of the
Securities Investor Protection Corporation, the federal agency that
oversees the liquidation of failed brokerage firms. On Friday, he sent
SIPC claims applications to every customer who had an open account at
Madoff within 12 months of the bankruptcy filing, regardless of when
the customer last made a deposit or withdrawal. Even an investor
who closed a Madoff account during the last year should be on the
mailing list, he said.
People who believe they had a Madoff account but who do not get a
claims package can print out the documents from the trustee’s Web site,
madofftrustee.com, or from the SIPC site, sipc.gov.
Madoff
assets won't be
made public
BLOOMBERG NEWS
Posted: 12/31/2008 05:01:37 PM EST
A list of Bernard Madoffs assets scheduled to be filed with the
Securities and Exchange Commission won't be made public, according to
the regulator, which sued the money manager for allegedly directing a
$50 billion fraud.
A federal judge ordered Madoff to provide the SEC an accounting of all
investments, loans, lines of credit, business interests, brokerage
accounts and other holdings. Madoffs lawyer, Ira Sorkin, said he would
meet today's deadline for submitting the list. The court hasnt
authorized its public disclosure, SEC enforcement official Andrew
Calamari said. Madoff may very well have given money to other persons
or other entities, said Fred Longer, a lawyer suing hedge fund operator
Tremont Group Holdings Inc. over Madoff-related losses. He said the
list will be useful primarily to investors suing Madoff directly. Those
are the rabbit trails. They'll need to trace all of them to find the
cash and it will take a lot of forensic efforts.
Madoff, 70, was charged earlier this month by federal prosecutors for
directing an alleged Ponzi scheme through his New York investment firm.
Sorkin has said Madoffs company is cooperating with the government. His
client met with prosecutors earlier this month, according to people
familiar with the case.
Shortly before he was arrested, Madoff allegedly told employees that he
had $200 - $300 million left, according to an FBI complaint. Sorkin
declined to comment on the amount of Madoffs remaining assets.
Arrested Dec. 11
Madoff's firm collapsed after he was arrested Dec. 11. He told his sons
that he directed the Ponzi scheme, in which old investors are paid off
with money from new ones, according to a lawyer for the brothers. The
firm is liquidating under the Securities Investor Protection Corp.,
whose funds cover securities and cash claims of as much as $500,000 per
customer, including as much as $100,000 in cash.
The Dec. 18 court order that Madoff disclose his assets required the
list be given directly to the regulator, Calamari said. It does not
authorize public release of materials related to the SECs ongoing
investigation, the official said. The effort seeks to preserve and
recover money for investors and hold wrongdoers accountable.
A catalog of Madoff's assets may be attractive to angry investors
including hedge funds, universities and charities as they sue to recoup
lost money. Madoff's investment advisory business may have had more
than 4,000 customers, people familiar with investigation said earlier
this month.
Inflated Losses
Losses disclosed by some clients may have been inflated by purported
gains in their accounts with Madoff. Yeshiva University, which had
previously valued its holdings with Madoff at $110 million, yesterday
said its net investment was about $14.5 million before inflation by
fictitious profits.
Longer Wednesday filed a lawsuit in Manhattan federal court against
Tremont Group Holdings Inc., a hedge-fund firm owned by Massachusetts
Mutual Life Insurance Co. The complaint seeks the recovery of losses
suffered through the hedge fund firms investments with Madoff.
The lawyer represents Group Defined Pension Plan & Trust, a
Jersey City, New Jersey-based investor. Also sued was Tremonts auditor,
Ernst & Young LLP. Longer claims the accounting firm missed
warnings about the alleged scheme. The complaint seeks class-action, or
group, status.
Congressional Hearings
Congress is set to hold hearings next week on the Madoff scandal.
Witnesses scheduled to appear before the House Financial Services
Committee on Jan. 5 include David Kotz, the SEC's inspector general,
Stephen Harbeck, president of the SIPC, and Harry Markopolos, a former
investment firm employee who flagged suspicions about the alleged Ponzi
scheme.
Madoff's firm was the 23rd-largest market maker on Nasdaq in October,
handling an average of about 50 million shares a day, according to
exchange data. It took orders from online brokers for some of the
largest U.S. companies, including General Electric Co. and Citigroup
Inc. Madoff, who hasn't formally responded to the securities
fraud charge, may have to appear in Manhattan federal court by Jan. 12
unless he is indicted before then.
Tuesday, the trustee now in charge of Bernard L. Madoff Investment
Securities LLC obtained court approval to use $28.1 million out of its
accounts as it unwinds the firm. The estate requires the funding
to get to the sale of certain assets, said Richard Bernard, an attorney
representing Irving Picard, the trustee appointed by the SIPC to
supervise Madoff's company.
The SIPC said that the use of some of the Madoff firms funds wont
diminish customer returns, according to a statement from the agency and
Picard.
Bank Deal
Picard reached a deal with Bank of New York Mellon Corp., which holds
the funds, to have them released. U.S. Bankruptcy Judge Burton Lifland
in Manhattan said the court papers outlining the agreement were very
basic and asked the lawyer for more information on the accounts.
Bernard said there are more funds and accounts, without being specific.
Bank of New York is holding some funds because it may have set-off
rights on certain claims, he said, adding he was limited in what he
could say in open court because of ongoing criminal
investigations. Picard is tasked with maximizing assets for the
firm as investors that had about $36 billion with Madoff seek the
return of their money.
Lifland last week gave him authority to share confidential information,
such as proprietary trading programs, with potential buyers of the
Madoff firms market-maker unit. Picard will mail claim forms to
customers and creditors of Madoff Securities by Jan. 9, the SIPC said.
Brother:
Madoff Suicide
Investor Lost Own Money
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 1:41 p.m. ET
December 26, 2008
PARIS (AP) -- The French financier who killed himself after losing more
than $1 billion of his clients' investments to Bernard Madoff's alleged
Ponzi scheme also saw his own family's money disappear, his older
brother told The Associated Press on Friday.
Rene-Thierry Magon de la Villehuchet and his business partner Patrick
Littaye were ''totally ruined,'' Bertrand Magon de la Villehuchet
said. Bertrand said his brother had ''invested his own fortune''
with Madoff -- up to several tens of millions of dollars -- along with
money from friends and family. Rene-Thierry, 65, was found dead
at his desk in New York on Tuesday, both of his wrists slashed. A box
cutter and a bottle of sleeping pills lay nearby. Police say it was a
suicide. Rene-Thierry had begun investing with Madoff three or
four years ago and had a total of $1.4 billion invested with him when
the scandal came crashing down, according to Bertrand.
''At first he thought he'd be able to get the money back. He was very
determined. Gradually he realized he wouldn't be able to,'' Bertrand
said in a telephone interview from his home on Paris' chic Place des
Vosges.
''My brother was a man of simple tastes,'' Bertrand said. ''He was a
very modest man.''
Madoff was arrested Dec. 11 and allegedly told FBI agents he had
masterminded a $50 billion fraud.
Head of Fund Invested in Madoff
Said to Commit Suicide
NYTIMES
December 23, 2008, 12:28 pm
Rene-Thierry Magon de la Villehuchet, a founder of the hedge fund
Access International Advisors, was found dead early Tuesday in his
office in Manhattan, the French business daily La Tribune reported on
its Web site, after losing as much as $1.4 billion that had been
invested with Bernard L. Madoff, the money manager accused of running a
$50 billion Ponzi scheme. Mr. de la Villehuchet, 65, committed suicide,
La Tribune said, citing a someone close to Mr. de la Villehuchet.
Mr. de la Villehuchet had been trying to recover the money that Access
International raised in Europe and invested through Mr. Madoff’s
business, La Tribune reported.
Paramedics responded to a call at a Manhattan address matching that of
Access International, people briefed on the situation told DealBook.
They found a victim, whom they pronounced dead, but have not yet
identified the man.
Luxalpha, a $1.4 billion Luxembourg-based fund sold across Europe,
invested in Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities. Access
International last week called Mr. Madoff’s arrest “a shocking
development” in a note to investors. Investors in the fund included a
unit of Rothschild and several clients of the Swiss bank UBS.
UBS had been the custodian and administrator of the fund until this
year when Access International took over. No one answered the phone at
Access International’s New York office.
UBS has stated that Mr. Madoff was not on the bank’s wealth management
recommended list as a direct investment option but it produced and sold
funds containing the investment manager’s products. UBS would establish
fund of funds structures at clients’ requests.
–Zachery Kouwe
Madoff
Investor Seeks Relief From SEC:
Report
By REUTERS
Filed at 2:15 a.m. ET
December 23, 2008
(Reuters) - An investor who lost nearly $2 million investing with
Bernard Madoff has filed a claim against the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission (SEC) alleging the agency was negligent in failing
to detect an alleged decades-long fraud, the Wall Street Journal said.
Phyllis Molchatsky, a 61-year-old retiree from Valley Cottage, New
York, is seeking $1.7 million in damages from the agency, the paper
said.
The claim is believed to be the first attempt by an investor to recover
lost money from regulators, according to the paper.
The SEC's "statutory purpose is to protect the public interest," Howard
Elisofon, the lawyer representing Molchatsky, told the paper.
"We feel they fell down on the job in this instance," Elisofon, who is
also a former SEC enforcement attorney, told the paper.
The SEC could not be immediately reached for comment by Reuters.
(Reporting by Ajay Kamalakaran in Bangalore)
Fraud Inquiry Centers on
Investment Firm’s Sanctum
NYTIMES
By DIANA B. HENRIQUES and ALEX BERENSON
December 15, 2008
The epicenter of what may be the largest Ponzi scheme in
history was the 17th floor of the Lipstick Building, an oval
red-granite building rising 34 floors above Third Avenue in Midtown
Manhattan. A busy stock-trading operation occupied the 19th
floor, and the computers and paperwork of Bernard L. Madoff Investment
Securities filled the 18th floor.
But the 17th floor was Bernie Madoff’s sanctum, occupied by fewer than
two dozen staff members and rarely visited by other employees. It was
called the “hedge fund” floor, but federal prosecutors now say the work
Mr. Madoff did there was actually a fraud scheme whose losses Mr.
Madoff himself estimates at $50 billion. The tally of reported
losses climbed through the weekend to nearly $20 billion, with a giant
Spanish bank, Banco Santander, reporting on Sunday that clients of one
of its Swiss subsidiaries have lost $3 billion. Some of the biggest
losers were members of the Palm Beach Country Club, where many of Mr.
Madoff’s wealthy clients were recruited.
The list of prominent fraud victims grew as well. According to a person
familiar with the business of the real estate and publishing magnate
Mort Zuckerman, he is also on a list of victims that already included
the owners of the New York Mets, a former owner of the Philadelphia
Eagles and the chairman of GMAC. And the 17th floor is now an
occupied zone, as investigators and forensic auditors try to piece
together what Mr. Madoff did with the billions entrusted to him by
individuals, banks and hedge funds around the world.
So far, only Mr. Madoff, the firm’s 70-year-old founder, has been
arrested in the scandal. He is free on a $10 million bond and cannot
travel far outside the New York area. According to charges
against Mr. Madoff, his firm paid off earlier investors with money from
new investors, fitting the classic definition of a Ponzi scheme. It
unraveled as markets declined and many investors who lost money
elsewhere sought to withdraw money from their investments with Mr.
Madoff.
But a question still dominates the investigation: how one person could
have pulled off such a far-reaching, long-running fraud, carrying out
all the simple practical chores the scheme required, like producing
monthly statements, annual tax statements, trade confirmations and bank
transfers. Firms managing money on Mr. Madoff’s scale would
typically have hundreds of people involved in these administrative
tasks. Prosecutors say he claims to have acted entirely alone.
“Our task is to find the records and follow the money,” said Alexander
Vasilescu, a lawyer in the New York office of the Securities and
Exchange Commission. As of Sunday night, he said, investigators could
not shed much light on the fraud or its scale. “We do not dispute his
number — we just have not calculated how he made it,” he said.
Scrutiny is also falling on the many banks and money managers who
helped steer clients to Mr. Madoff and now say they are among his
victims. Mr. Madoff was not running an actual hedge fund, but
instead managing accounts for investors inside his own securities firm.
While many investors were friends or met Mr. Madoff at country clubs or
on charitable boards, even more had entrusted their money to
professional advisory firms that, in turn, handed it to Mr. Madoff —
for a fee. Investors are now questioning whether these paid advisers
were diligent enough in investigating Mr. Madoff to ensure that their
money was safe. Where those advisers work for big institutions like
Banco Santander, investors will most likely look to them, rather than
to the remnants of Mr. Madoff’s firm, for restitution.
Santander may face $3.1 billion in losses through its Optimal
Investment Services, a Geneva-based fund of hedge funds that is owned
by the bank. At the end of 2007, Optimal had 6 billion euros, or $8
billion, under management, according to the bank’s annual report —
which would mean that its Madoff investments were a substantial part of
Optimal’s portfolio. A spokesman for Santander declined to
comment on the case.
Other Swiss institutions, including Banque Bénédict
Hentsch and Neue Privat Bank, acknowledged being at risk, with Hentsch
confirming about $48 million in exposure. BNP Paribas said it had
not invested directly in the Madoff funds but had 350 million euros, or
about $500 million, at risk through trades and loans to hedge funds.
And the private Swiss bank Reichmuth said it had 385 million Swiss
francs, or $327 million, in potential losses. HSBC, one of the world’s
largest banks, also said it had made loans to institutions that
invested in Madoff but did not disclose the size of its potential
losses.
Calls to Mr. Zuckerman and his representatives were not returned on
Sunday night.
Losses of this scale simply do not seem to fit into the intimate
business that Mr. Madoff operated in New York.By the elevated standards
of Wall Street, the Madoff firm did not pay exceptionally well, but it
was loyal to employees even in bad times. Mr. Madoff’s family filled
the senior positions, but his was not the only family at the firm —
generations of employees had worked for Madoff and invested their
savings there. Even before Madoff collapsed, some employees were
mystified by the 17th floor. In recent regulatory filings, Mr. Madoff
claimed to manage $17 billion for clients — a number that would
normally occupy far more than the 20 or so people who worked on 17.
One Madoff employee said he and other workers assumed that Mr. Madoff
must have a separate office elsewhere to oversee his client
accounts. Nevertheless, Mr. Madoff attracted and held the trust
of companies that prided themselves on their diligent investigation of
investment managers.
One of them was Walter M. Noel Jr., who struck up a business
relationship with Mr. Madoff 20 years ago that helped earn his
investment firm, the Fairfield Greenwich Group, millions of dollars in
fees. Indeed, over time, one of Fairfield’s strongest selling points
for its largest fund was its access to Mr. Madoff. But now, Mr.
Noel and Fairfield are the biggest known losers in the scandal, facing
potential losses of $7.5 billion, more than half the firm’s assets.
Jeffrey Tucker, a Fairfield co-founder and former federal regulator,
said in a statement posted on the firm’s Web site: “We have worked with
Madoff for nearly 20 years, investing alongside our clients. We had no
indication that we and many other firms and private investors were the
victims of such a highly sophisticated, massive fraudulent scheme.”
The huge loss comes at a time when the hedge fund industry has already
been wounded by the volatile markets. Several weeks ago, Fairfield had
halted investor redemptions at two of its other funds, citing the tough
market conditions as dozens of hedge funds have done. The firm reported
a drop of $2 billion in assets between September and November.
Fairfield was founded in 1983 by Mr. Noel, the former head of
international private banking at Chemical Bank, and Mr. Tucker, a
former Securities and Exchange Commission official. It grew sharply
over the years, attracting investors in Europe, Latin America and Asia.
Mr. Noel first met Mr. Madoff in the 1980s, and Fairfield’s fortunes
grew along with the returns Mr. Madoff reported. The two men were very
different: Mr. Madoff hailed from eastern Queens and was tied closely
to the Jewish community, while Mr. Noel, a native of Tennessee, moved
in the Greenwich social scene with his wife, Monica.
“He was a person of superb ethics, and this has to cut him to the
quick,” said George L. Ball, a former executive at E. F. Hutton and
Prudential-Bache Securities who knows Mr. Noel.
Fairfield boasted about its investigative skills. On its Web site, the
firm claimed to investigate hedge fund managers for 6 to 12 months
before investing. As part of the process, a team of examiners conducted
personal background checks, audited brokerage records and trading
reports and interviewed hedge fund executives and compliance
officials. In 2001, Mr. Madoff called Fairfield and invited the
firm to inspect his books after two news reports questioned the
validity of his returns, according to a person close to Fairfield.
Outside auditors hired to inspect Mr. Madoff’s operations concluded
that “everything checked out,” this person said.
The Fairfield Greenwich Group “performed comprehensive and
conscientious due diligence and risk monitoring,” Marc Kasowitz, a
lawyer for Fairfield, said in a statement. “FGG, like so many other
Madoff clients, was a victim of a highly sophisticated massive fraud
that escaped the detection of top institutional and private investors,
industry organizations, auditors, examiners and regulatory authorities.”
Now, Fairfield is seeking to recover what it can from Mr. Madoff.
“It is our intention to aggressively pursue the recovery of all assets
related to Bernard L. Madoff Investment Securities,” Mr. Tucker said in
a statement. “We are also committed to the operation of our continuing
funds. We hope to have a better idea of the entire situation as the
facts develop.”
Working alongside the federal investigators on Madoff’s 17th floor,
staff workers for Lee S. Richards 3d, the court-appointed receiver for
the firm, are trying to determine what parts of the firm can keep
operating to preserve assets for investors.
“We don’t have anything to report to investors at this time,” he said.
“We are doing everything we can to protect the assets of the Madoff
entities that are subject to the receivership, and to learn what we can
about the operations of those entities.”
Eric Dash, Jennifer 8. Lee, Zachery
Kouwe, Michael J. de la Merced and Nelson D. Schwartz contributed
reporting.
Alleged Madoff fraud has
worldwide exposure
DAY
By JOE BEL BRUNO and JANE WARDELL, AP Business Writers
Posted on Dec 15, 10:28 AM EST
NEW YORK (AP) -- The list of investors who say they were duped in one
of Wall Street's biggest Ponzi schemes is growing, snaring some of the
world's biggest banking institutions and hedge funds, the super rich
and the famous, pensioners and charities.
The alleged victims who sunk cash into veteran Wall Street money
manager Bernard Madoff's investment pool include real estate magnate
Mortimer Zuckerman, the foundation of Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel, and a
charity of movie director Steven Spielberg, according to the Wall
Street Journal.
Among the world's biggest banking institutions, Britain's HSBC Holdings
PLC, Royal Bank of Scotland Group PLC and Man Group PLC, Spain's Grupo
Santander SA, France's BNP Paribas and Japan's Nomura Holdings all
reported that they had fallen victim to Madoff's alleged $50 billion
Ponzi scheme.
The 70-year-old Madoff (MAY-doff), well respected in the investment
community after serving as chairman of the Nasdaq Stock Market, was
arrested Thursday in what prosecutors say was a $50 billion scheme to
defraud investors. Some investors claim they've been wiped out, while
others are still likely to come forward.
"There were a lot of very sophisticated people who were duped, and that
happens a great deal when you've had somebody decide to be
unscrupulous," said Harvey Pitt, a former chairman of the Securities
and Exchange Commission, a regulator in charge of monitoring investment
funds like the one Madoff operated.
The extent of the potential damage prompted a leading fund manager in
London to lash out at U.S. regulators for failing to detect the fraud
earlier.
"I think now it is very difficult for people to invest in things that
are meant to be regulated in America, because they haven fallen down in
the job," Nicola Horlick, the manager of Bramdean Alternatives, which
has 9 percent of its funds invested in Madoff's scheme, told the
British Broadcasting Corp.
"All through the credit crunch this has been apparent," Horlick added.
"This is the biggest financial scandal, probably, in the history of the
markets."
Among U.S. investors, the Boston-based Robert I. Lappin Charitable
Foundation, a charity that financed trips for Jewish youth to Israel,
sacked its staff after revealing that the money for its operations was
invested with Madoff.
New Jersey Sen. Frank Lautenberg, one of the wealthiest members of the
Senate, entrusted his family's charitable foundation to Madoff.
Lautenberg's attorney, Michael Griffinger, said they weren't yet sure
the extent of the foundation's losses, but that the bulk of its
investments had been handled by Madoff.
Lautenberg's foundation handed out more than $765,000 to at least 100
recipients in 2006, according to the most recent listing on Guidestar,
which tracks charitable organization filings.
The foundation helps support a variety of religious, educational, civic
and arts organizations in New Jersey and elsewhere, and its
contributions range from a gift of than $300,000 to the United Jewish
Communities of MetroWest New Jersey to a $2,000 donation to a
children's program at the Hackensack Medical Center.
Reports from Florida to Minnesota included profiles of ordinary
investors who gave Madoff their money. Some had been friends with him
for decades, others were able to invest because they were a friend of a
friend. They told stories of losing everything from $40,000 to an
entire nest egg worth well over $1 million.
They join a list of more powerful investors that have come forward, all
worried about the extent of their losses. The roster of names include
former Philadelphia Eagles owner Norman Braman, New York Mets owner
Fred Wilpon and J. Ezra Merkin, the chairman of GMAC Financial
Services, among others.
The Wall Street Journal, citing a person familiar with the matter, said
Mortimer Zuckerman, the chairman of real estate firm Boston Properties
and owner of the New York Daily News and U.S. News & World Report,
had significant exposure through a fund that invested substantially all
of its assets with Mr. Madoff.
The Journal also said the Steven Spielberg charity, the Wunderkinder
Foundation, in the past appears to have invested a significant portion
of its assets with Mr. Madoff. It said the Elie Wiesel Foundation for
Humanity, founded by the famed Holocaust survivor and writer, was hard
hit by losses, citing two people familiar with the organization's
investments.
Messages were left with the Zuckerman fund and Wunderkinder foundation.
The Wiesel foundation said it was looking into the matter.
The Journal also reported potential investors and firms exposed to the
alleged fraud included: Carl Shapiro, founder and former chairman of
women's apparel company Kay Windsor Inc.; Bed Bath & Beyond Inc.
co-founder Leonard Feinstein; Yeshiva University; EIM Group; UBS AG;
Fairfield Greenwich Advisors; Tremont Capital Management; Maxam Capital
Management and Ascot Partners.
Among those overseas confirming exposure on Monday, Banco Santander,
the largest bank in the euro zone by market capitalization, said its
clients have 2.33 billion euros ($3.07 billion) in exposure with
Madoff, mostly through a fund called Optimal Strategic US Equity.
HSBC, Britain's largest bank, said a "small number" of its insitutional
clients had exposure totaling some $1 billion in Madoff funds.
It added that it has custody clients who have invested with Madoff, but
it did not believe those "custodial arrangements should be a source of
exposure to the group."
Royal Bank of Scotland - Britain's second-largest bank, which is now 58
percent owned by the British government - said it could lose around 400
million euros pounds through exposure in trading and collateralized
lending to funds of hedge funds invested with Bernard L Madoff
Investment Securities LLC.
Man Group, the world's largest publicly traded fund manager that
reported exposure of around $360 million on Monday, said "it appears
that a systematic and comprehensive fraud may have been committed,
evading a range of structural controls."
Japan's Nomura Holdings said it has 27.5 billion yen ($306 million) in
exposure, but added that any losses were likely to be limited compared
to its capital base.
French banks foresee nearly 1 billion euros in potential losses as
indirect victims of the alleged fraud.
Natixis, France's fourth largest bank, set its maximum indirect
exposure at about 450 million euros. A statement by the investment bank
said it made no direct investments in hedge funds managed by Madoff.
However, it said that some of its clients' money was invested in funds
managed by "first class custodians," which in turn entrusted those
securities to Madoff's investment securities company.
Both Societe Generale and Credit Agricole said they had "negligible"
exposure of below 10 million euros each. However, the euro zone's
largest bank, BNP Paribas, has estimated its risk exposure to hedge
funds managed by Madoff at up to 350 million euros.
In a statement Sunday, BNP Paribas said it has no investment of its own
in Madoff's hedge funds, but "does have risk exposure to these funds
through its trading business and collateralized lending to funds of
hedge funds."
Swiss bank Union Bancaire Privee indicated it had hundreds of millions
of dollars in client assets invested under the management of Madoff.
The Geneva bank, one of Switzerland's largest, did not disclose a total
amount invested, but did say the exposure of its clients "represents
less than 1 percent of the total assets under management of the bank."
UBP's announcement Monday followed weekend disclosures by Swiss banks
Reichmuth & Co of Lucerne, Benedict Hentsch of Geneva and Neue
Privat Bank of Zurich that they had millions of dollars worth of client
assets at risk in the case.
In Germany, Deutsche Bank and Commerzbank both declined to comment on
the matter.
On Friday, representatives from major U.S. banks - Bank of America
Corp., Citigroup Inc., PNC Financial Services Group Inc. and Merrill
Lynch & Co. - declined to comment on if they had exposure to
Madoff's company. Both BlackRock Inc. and Goldman Sachs Group Inc. said
they had no exposure.
Morgan Stanley, Wells Fargo & Co., Comerica Inc. and U.S. Bancorp
did not return calls seeking comment.
Swiss
Bank Sees $327M at Risk in Madoff Affair
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 11:32 a.m. ET
December 14, 2008
GENEVA (AP) -- The private Swiss bank Reichmuth & Co says it has
385 million Swiss francs ($327 million) at risk in the case of U.S.
financier Bernard L. Madoff, who has been accused of securities fraud.
A letter to investors posted on the Lucerne bank's Web site Sunday says
the exposure is through the Reichmuth Matterhorn, the bank's ''fund of
hedge funds,'' and that amount represents about 3.5 percent of the 11
billion francs ($9.4 billion) under the bank's management.
''We sincerely regret that Reichmuth Matterhorn is affected ... ,'' the
letter said.
It is the second private Swiss bank to acknowledge having investments
in funds managed by Madoff. The Geneva-based Banque Benedict Hentsch
Fairfield Partners SA says its exposure is 56 million Swiss francs
($47.5 million) of client assets.
Swiss news media speculated Sunday that the total loss to banks in
Switzerland could run into the billions of francs (dollars), but Swiss
authorities said they were unable to say how much was at stake.
Madoff, a former chairman of Nasdaq stock market, was arrested Thursday
in New York hours after the collapse of Bernard L. Madoff Investment
Securities LLC. He has been accused by U.S. authorities of running a
phony investment business that lost at least $50 billion.
Unexpected
Drop in China’s Imports and Exports
NYTIMES
By ANDREW JACOBS
December 11, 2008
BEIJING — China’s exports fell for the first time in seven years, the
government reported Wednesday, sliding 2.2 percent in November and
providing stark evidence that the global financial crisis has arrived
here in earnest.
In October, by contrast, exports had surged 19.2 percent.
Imports also plunged sharply last month, falling 17.9 percent and
widening the trade surplus to $40 billion, from $35.2 billion in
October.
Taken together, the trade figures will be bracing to those who had
viewed China as a potential savior for the slumping economies of the
Europe, Japan and the United States.
“We were expecting a slowdown but the magnitude is a bit shocking,”
Wang Tao, an analyst at UBS Securities, said.
The figures, together with further signs of a sagging economy in Japan,
paint a picture of economic gloom spreading across Asia — even if much
of the region will suffer from a less severe downturn than the United
States and Europe.
The worrisome developments will put added pressure on the Chinese
government, which only last month announced a $586 billion stimulus
package aimed at cushioning the effects of the global slowdown. In
recent weeks, the government has reduced interest rates and taxes on
stock trades and announced other measures aimed at lifting domestic
consumption.
In a report broadcast on China National Radio after the trade figures
were released, the government vowed to expand spending and cut taxes
next year in an effort to spur job creation and bolster agriculture,
social security, education and small and medium-size enterprises.
Beijing will also seek to ensure “healthy and stable” growth of the
nation’s property markets, which has slowed sharply in recent months.
In another batch of sobering news, the government said that direct
foreign investment fell 36.5 percent from a year earlier and that the
producer price index, a measure of inflation at the factory level, had
fallen to its lowest rate in two years. That figure, 2 percent in
November, was 6.6 percent a month earlier. In August, when that number
hit 10.1 percent, the government was focused on stemming the threat of
inflation.
Exports are a mainstay of China’s economy; by one measure they make up
40 percent of gross domestic product. While some experts dispute that
figure, analysts say the slumping demand for Chinese goods will
probably pull down the nation’s growth rate, which was 9 percent in the
third quarter, close to or even below the 7 percent figure that many
Chinese economists contend is the minimum for maintaining social
stability.
In recent months, evaporating export demand has forced thousands of
factories to close in Southern China’s Pearl River Delta. Tens of
thousands of jobs have disappeared, fueling protests by unemployed
workers demanding back pay.
Late last month, President Hu Jintao warned that the global financial
crisis was threatening to undermine three decades of head-spinning
expansion.
Qu Hongbin, the chief China economist at HSBC, said he expected things
to get worse as the global recession further sapped the demand for
Chinese goods. He suggested that exports could fall as much as 19
percent in the first quarter of 2009.
“Combined with cooling property markets, this points to the rising risk
of a hard landing,” he said in a statement. “It’s official: as the
world’s workshop, China will suffer as the global downturn deepens.”
Since it joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, China’s exports
have quadrupled, helping transform it into the world’s fourth-largest
economy.
In a survey of more than a dozen analysts last month, no one predicted
that imports would decline.
The drop in exports stretched across all major trade commodities,
including electronics and machinery, with steel leading the downward
spiral.
Exports to all of China’s trading partners suffered, with those to the
United States down 6.1 percent. Just last month, they were up 12.4
percent.
Ecuador
Audit Recommends Default on 40
Pct Debt
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 5:13 p.m. ET
November 20, 2008
QUITO, Ecuador (AP) -- A presidential commission recommended Thursday
that Ecuador default on almost 40 percent of its foriegn debt after
finding ''illegalities and illegitimacies'' in the contracts.
President Rafael Correa said he would seek to halt payment on those
debts and hold foreign investment banks and ex-government officials
responsible, but fell short of declaring a default.
An audit made public Thursday advises Correa's government to default on
$3.9 billion in three types of bonds issued as part of a debt
restructuring in 2000. It says the negotiations lacked transparency and
caused ''incalculable'' damage to Ecuador's economy. The report
also
accuses former Ecuadorean officials and investment banks including
U.S.-based J.P. Morgan and Salomon Smith Barney, now part of Citigroup
Inc., of profiting from the restructuring.
Correa said former government officials had committed ''treason,'' and
that bankers ''compulsively induced, threatened, bribed and pressured
with all their might to push their loans and make their juicy
commissions.'' He says the ex-officials and banks involved -- not
Ecuador's government -- should therefore be the ones to reimburse
bondholders.
''We don't comment on ongoing investigations, but I can assure you that
Citi has profound respect for the legal and regulatory environments in
the countries where we operate,'' said Claudia Lima, Latin America
spokeswoman for Citigroup, Inc.
A spokeswoman for J.P. Morgan declined to comment.
Correa won by a landslide in 2006 after vowing to default on Ecuador's
foreign debt and use the money to fund anti-poverty programs instead.
He has not acted on the threat, but recently warned that falling oil
prices may force his hand. Oil is Ecuador's top source of foreign
income, and prices have dipped 64 percent since July. Ecuador
delayed
$30.6 million in interest payments last week, saying it would use a
30-day grace period to assess the results of the yearlong, 30,000-page
audit.
The suspension sent Ecuadorean bonds plummeting, prompted Standard
& Poor's to slash its long-term rating on the country's debt.
Investment in the nation's oil and mining sectors will likely freeze up
as well.
A default also could hit Correa's close ally. Venezuela holds as much
as $230 million in Ecuadorean debt in a national development fund. That
investment represents less than 1 percent of Venezuela's $39 billion in
foreign currency reserves, but its exposure could be greater, since
Venezuela also holds an unknown amount of credit default swaps, or
insurance contracts that guarantee against losses on Ecuadorean bonds,
analysts said.
Should Ecuador default, Venezuela could owe additional millions to
losing bondhonders.
The three bonds in question -- due in 2012, 2015 and 2030 -- were
issued at a time when Ecuador's economy was collapsing and
hyperinflation pushed the country to abandon its local currency for the
U.S. dollar.
Finance Minister Maria Elsa Viteri insisted that Ecuador currently has
the resources to service its debt, including $6.5 billion in foreign
currency reserves. Ecuador's total foreign debt hit $10.03 billion in
August, down 29 percent since 2006 but still 21 percent of the
country's gross domestic product.
The Great Iceland Meltdown
NYTIMES
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
Published: October 18, 2008
Who knew? Who knew that Iceland was just a hedge fund with glaciers?
Who knew?
If you’re looking for a single example of how the globalization of
finance helped get us into this mess and how it will help get us out,
you need look no further than British newspapers last week and their
front-page articles about the number of British citizens,
municipalities and universities — including Cambridge — that are in a
tizzy today because they had savings parked in Icelandic banks, through
online banking services like Icesave.co.uk.
As Dave Barry would say, I’m not makin’ this up.
When I went to the Icesave Web site to see what it was all about, the
headline read: “Simple, transparent and consistently high-rate online
savings accounts from Icesave.” But then, underneath in blue letters, I
found the following note appended: “We are not currently processing any
deposits or any withdrawal requests through our Icesave Internet
accounts. We apologize for any inconvenience this may cause our
customers.”
Any “inconvenience?” When you can’t withdraw savings from an online
bank in Iceland, that is more than an inconvenience! That’s a reason
for total panic.
So what’s the story? Around 2002, Iceland began to free its banks from
state ownership. According to The Wall Street Journal, the three banks
that make up almost the entire banking system in Iceland “grew quickly
on easy credit” and “their combined assets rose tenfold in five years.”
The Icelandic banks, while not invested in U.S. subprime mortgages, had
gone on their own borrowing and lending binges, wooing savers from
across Europe with 5.45 percent interest savings accounts.
In a flat world, money can easily seek out the highest returns, and
when word got around about Iceland, deposits poured in from Britain —
some $1.8 billion. Unfortunately, though, when global credit markets
closed up, and the krona fell, “the Icelandic banks were unable to
finance their debts, many of which were denominated in foreign
currencies,” The Times reported. When depositors rushed to get their
money out, the Icelandic banking system had too little reserves to
cover withdrawals, so all three banks melted down and were
nationalized.
It turns out that more than 120 British municipal governments, as well
as universities, hospitals and charities had deposits stranded in
blocked Icelandic bank accounts. Cambridge alone had about $20 million,
while 15 British police forces — from towns like Kent, Surrey, Sussex
and Lancashire — had roughly $170 million frozen in Iceland, The
Telegraph reported. Even the bobbies were banking in Iceland!
So think about it: Some mortgage broker in Los Angeles gives subprime
“liar loans” to people who have no credit ratings so they can buy homes
in Southern California. Those flimsy mortgages get globalized through
the global banking system and, when they go sour, they eventually
prompt banks to stop lending, fearful that every other bank’s assets
are toxic, too. The credit crunch hits Iceland, which went on its own
binge. Meanwhile, the police department of Northumbria, England, had
invested some of its extra cash in Iceland, and, now that those
accounts are frozen, it may have to reduce street patrols this weekend.
And therein lies the central truth of globalization today: We’re all
connected and nobody is in charge.
Globalization giveth — it was this democratization of finance that
helped to power the global growth that lifted so many in India, China
and Brazil out of poverty in recent decades. Globalization now taketh
away — it was this democratization of finance that enabled the U.S. to
infect the rest of the world with its toxic mortgages. And now, we have
to hope, that globalization will saveth.
The real and sustained bailout from the crisis will happen when the
strong companies buy the weak ones — on a global basis. It’s starting.
Last week, Credit Suisse declined a Swiss government bailout and
instead raised fresh capital from Qatar, the Olayan family of Saudi
Arabia and Israel’s Koor Industries. Japan’s Mitsubishi bank bought a
stake in Morgan Stanley, possibly rescuing it from bankruptcy and
preventing an even steeper decline in the Dow. And Spain’s Banco
Santander, which was spared from the worst of this credit crisis by
Spain’s conservative banking regulations, is purchasing America’s
Sovereign Bankcorp.
I suspect we will soon see the same happening in industry. And, once
the smoke clears, I suspect we will find ourselves living in a world of
globalization on steroids — a world in which key global economies are
more intimately tied together than ever before.
It will be a world in which America will not be able to scratch its
ear, let alone roll over in bed, without thinking about the impact on
other countries and economies. And it will be a world in which
multilateral diplomacy and regulation will no longer be a choice. It
will be a reality and a necessity. We are all partners now.
AIG
Executives'
Posh Retreat Angers Lawmakers
DAY
By Andrew Taylor , Associated Press
Published on 10/8/2008
Washington - Less than a week after the federal government had to bail
out American International Group Inc., the company sent executives on a
$440,000 retreat to a posh California resort, lawmakers investigating
the company's meltdown said Tuesday.
The tab included $23,380 worth of spa treatments for AIG employees at
the coastal St. Regis resort south of Los Angeles even as the company
tapped into an
$85 billion loan from the government it needed to stave off bankruptcy.
The retreat didn't include anyone from the financial products division
that nearly drove AIG under, but lawmakers were still enraged over
thousands of dollars spent on catered banquets, golf outings and visits
to the resort's spa and salon for executives of AIG's main U.S. life
insurance subsidiary.
”Average Americans are suffering economically. They're losing their
jobs, their homes and their health insurance,” House Oversight
Committee Chairman Henry Waxman, D-Calif., scolded. “Yet less than one
week after the taxpayers rescued AIG, company executives could be found
wining and dining at one of the most exclusive resorts in the nation.”
The hearing also revealed that AIG executives hid the full range of its
risky financial products from auditors as losses mounted, according to
documents released Tuesday by a congressional panel examining the chain
of events that forced the government to bail out the conglomerate.
The panel sharply criticized AIG's former top executives, who cast
blame on each other for the company's financial woes.
”You have cost my constituents and the taxpayers of this country $85
billion and run into the ground one of the most respected insurance
companies in the history of our country,” said Rep. Carolyn Maloney,
D-N.Y. “You were just gambling billions, possibly trillions of
dollars...”

L O C A L
Read about Fairfield's problem
with their O.P.E.B. money...
For those who were paying attention,
accounting requirements post Enron had finally gotten to the point
where someone figured out that government accounting needed a
spiffing-up. So "GASB" came to be...and as a result, for example,
CT decided in 2007 that larger communities had to start a plan to
provide for retirement of municipal workers. Smaller places, like
Weston, had and extra year to gear up...read about what we've done here.
The Ratings Game: Fannie, Freddie common shares worthless, KBW says
YAHOO
By John Spence, MarketWatch
Oct. 19, 2009, 2:27 p.m. EDT
BOSTON (MarketWatch) -- Analysts at Keefe, Bruyette & Woods on
Monday said the common shares of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are likely
worthless even if the troubled mortgage-finance giants end up being
recapitalized by the banking industry.
KBW analysts led by Bose George downgraded shares of Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac to underperform from market perform and cut their price
target on both stocks to zero from $1.
"In order for the government-sponsored entities to survive going
forward, we believe they need to be recapitalized through investments
from the banks that benefit from their role in the secondary market,"
KBW wrote in a research note.
"In this scenario, both the common and preferred equity of the GSEs
should be worthless," they said, adding that since being put into
receivership last summer, the U.S. has put $98 billion of capital into
Fannie and Freddie.
Shares of Fannie and Freddie were down more than 15% in afternoon
trading, while the preferred shares were also taking a hit.
Representatives for both firms didn't immediately return calls for
comment on Monday morning.
"Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have been at the heart of the U.S. housing
boom, bust and recovery," KBW said. "As the mortgage market moves away
from crisis mode, the future of the GSEs has to be addressed."
The pair plays a key role in the nation's housing market because they
buy mortgages from lenders and bundle them up into securities, and
guarantee payment. They also provide liquidity to the secondary
mortgage market.
"There have been many recommendations made about potential structures
for the GSEs," KBW said.
"The most noteworthy is the Government Accountability Office report
which presents options for the companies ranging from becoming full
government entities to returning to being stock-holder corporations,"
the analysts noted. "What all the recommendations to date have not done
-- including the ones in the GAO reports -- in our view is address the
most crucial issue regarding the agencies: how to recapitalize them."
Fannie and Freddie accounted for 68% of all mortgage originations in
2009 as they stepped in to provide credit during the lending crunch,
according to KBW.
"In our view, the only viable option to limit taxpayer expense and
recapitalize Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac is to set up a Bad Fannie and
Bad Freddie with the existing portfolios, and a new Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac as cooperatives of bank mortgage lenders, along the lines
of the other GSEs -- the Federal Home Loan Banks," the analysts wrote.
Fannie and Freddie shares jumped along with the financial sector during
the summer rally, but have been volatile recently amid questions about
their future structure.
"There is general consensus that the primary role of the agencies in
the future is in the loan-guarantee business and not in the investment
business," KBW said. "By creating 'bad banks' of the existing
portfolios and putting the existing portfolios into receivership, the
government can limit its losses and define its role in supporting the
mortgage industry through the crisis and create an exit strategy."
Fannie and Freddie are being hit by ongoing mortgage losses and higher
borrowing costs during the housing downturn. Fannie reported a
second-quarter loss of nearly $15 billion, after it lost more than $20
billion in the first quarter.
KBW said the GSE ownership structure should be shifted over time to a
cooperative of banks similar to the Federal Home Loan Bank system.
"Under such an approach, the banks that originate an agency conforming
loan would be required to retain 5% of the loan balance as an equity
investment in either Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac," KBW said. "Thus the
new agencies would be recapitalized at a solid 5% level of the new
expanded balance sheets."
This level of capital "would allow the government to phase out an
explicit guarantee of the new agencies' debt over time," George wrote.
"We would expect the government to initially guarantee the debt of the
new agencies for a period, possibly up to five years, in order to
establish the credibility of the new agencies."
In September 2008, Fannie and Freddie were placed into the
conservatorship of the Federal Housing Finance Agency. With the
financial system seemingly past the worst of the crisis, speculation on
what the government should do with the GSEs has been ramping up.
A decline in the preferred stock of
Fannie and Freddie would be a blow to banks that hold the shares, and
could further stress the banking system.
Fairfield
named in Metro Center foreclosure; Bank pushes foreclosure effort on
site's developer
CT POST
By Genevieve Reilly, staff writer
Updated: 03/13/2009 10:36:49 PM EDT
FAIRFIELD -- The town has been dragged into TD Bank's efforts to
foreclose on the Fairfield Metro Center property owned by Blackrock
Realty, which has seen its financing collapse for a large commercial
complex that was to include the town's third railroad station.
Town Attorney Richard Saxl, however, said Friday the bank's move
doesn't worry him.
Blackrock Realty's managing director, Kurt Wittek, said it was a
business decision to stop his development firm's payments on the $20
million owed to the bank. He said he remains confident that the
foreclosure dispute will be resolved.
The property at 21 Black Rock Turnpike has been approved for a
multi-use retail and commercial development, in addition to the rail
depot.
"The important thing is the town owns the 8.83 acres which is for the
train parking," Saxl said. He contended the bank's motion does not
justify naming the town as a defendant since the foreclosure is
directed against property controlled only by Blackrock Realty.
According to the suit filed in Bridgeport Superior Court, Blackrock
Realty first received a $10 million loan from TD Bank in July 2003.
That note was amended in January 2006 to $20 million and is secured by
the property at 21 Black Rock Turnpike.
While the state Department of Transportation is building a bridge into
the property and the platforms for the railroad station, Wittek has
informed the town he does not have the financing to construct drainage,
an interior road and wetlands as required by the three-party agreement
with the town and state.
First Selectman Kenneth Flatto has included a request for $28 million
in funding from the economic stimulus package to pay for Blackrock's
portion of the public project, as well as the town's costs to build the
1,500-space commuter lot.
According to Flatto, the Metro Center project is one of five in the
state recommended by the state Department of Transportation to Gov. M.
Jodi Rell for funding from a pool of stimulus money targeted for mass
transit projects.
The biggest
taxpayer in the Town of Fairfield
G.E.’s Debt Rating Is Cut by S.&P.
NYTIMES
March 12, 2009, 9:40 am
Updated | 10:55 a.m.
General Electric lost its coveted triple-A credit rating from Standard
and Poor’s on Thursday, as the credit-rating agency downgraded G.E’s
long-term debt one notch, to AA+.
In deciding to strip G.E. of its highest rating — which G.E. has held
for more than 50 years — S&P analysts cited the stress that the
global economic downturn was putting on the company’s financial arm, GE
Capital.
S&P said the outlook for G.E. was stable, meaning that further
downgrades to its debt rating are unlikely in the next six months to
two years.
The market seems to have been expecting an even bigger cut: G.E.’s
stock was up nearly 9 percent Thursday morning.
In a news release after the rating cut was announced, G.E. said it does
not anticipate any significant operational or funding impacts from the
downgrade. It also said that GE Capital “is one of the only financial
services companies in the world with a rating as high as AA+.”
“While no one likes a downgrade, this review and rating reaffirm the
relative strength of the company,” Jeff Immelt, G.E.’s chairman and
chief executive, said in the release.
G.E.’s stock has fallen nearly 75 percent in the last year. The slide
accelerated in recent weeks as investors questioned the financial
strength of GE Capital.
GE Capital, which once accounted for about half of the company’s
profits, has been hit hard by the credit crisis. Its portfolio includes
aircraft leasing, commercial real estate lending, credit cards and home
mortgages.
In a statement Thursday, Robert Schulz, a credit analyst at S&P,
said that GE Capital faces “increasing earnings pressure, due to the
recent sharp deterioration in general economic conditions around the
globe.” The downturn will lead to rising credit losses across GE
Capital’s finance portfolio, he said.
Late last month, amid growing concern that its debt rating might be
lowered, G.E. cut its stock dividend for the first time since the
Depression. The company said the decision to drop the quarterly payout
to 10 cents a share from 31 cents would save it nearly $9 billion a
year.
Since then, speculation has swirled that G.E. might need to raise
additional capital to shore up its GE Capital unit. The company has
called such rumors “inaccurate” and said that GE Capital’s balance
sheet is strong relative to other financial institutions.
– Cyrus Sanati
Greenwich
gets money on the cheap; Town borrows funds at nearly zero percent
Greenwich TIME
By Neil Vigdor, Staff Writer
Posted: 01/15/2009 08:24:12 PM EST
It could be a deal for the record books.
The town issued $72 million in short-term bonds Thursday to pay for
construction projects and infrastructure repairs, borrowing the money
from Morgan Stanley at the microscopic interest rate of .38 percent per
year.
While officials expected to receive favorable terms on the money they
borrowed because federal interest rates have been slashed to near zero,
they were bowled over by Morgan Stanley's bid for the town's business.
"Not only have I never seen it, (our) financial adviser over the last
20 years has never seen one this low," said Peter Mynarski Jr., the
town's comptroller.
Stephen Walko, chairman of the Board of Estimate and Taxation, said the
town had forecast an interest rate around 1 percent. Walko said:
".38, you can't get much lower. Individuals in this arena have
suggested it could be a record."
The town received 13 offers from 10 different bidders to issue the
bonds by an 11 a.m. deadline Thursday, with Morgan Stanley coming in
with the lowest interest rate, according to Mynarski. The
one-year borrowing instrument is commonly referred to as a general
obligation bond anticipation note. Around $45 million of the $72
million is money the town previously borrowed to pay for capital
projects and is refinancing. The remaining $27 million is new money
needed for projects.
Among the projects being paid for through the short-term bonds is the
Glenville School renovation ($18 million), sewer improvements ($6
million) and preliminary engineering and architectural work on the
renovation of the town-owned Nathaniel Witherell nursing home ($5
million).
The town's ability to borrow money at bargain-basement interest rates,
a result of its AAA credit rating, is already prompting some elected
officials to call for an expanded program of capital improvements.
"This suggests that there may be an opportunity for the town to take
advantage of our good credit rating and the market to accelerate
capital projects that we know we will undertake in the next few years,"
said Edward Krumeich Jr., a Democrat on the BET.
Long-term borrowing for projects has historically been taboo in
Greenwich because of the tax burden interest payments add to the town's
liabilities. However, at a public hearing Wednesday night on the
town's capital program, one that has been watered down because of a
projected $31 million budget deficit, some elected officials called for
the plan's architects to rethink their pay-as-you-go principles.
The town has earmarked $20.5 million overall for capital projects in
the next fiscal year. That's $18.3 million less than the $38.8 million
in capital spending in the current budget and some $67.5 million less
than $88 million that had been projected for the 2009-10 fiscal year.
"As we've discovered to our regret, capital projects that are delayed
or deferred have always wound up to be more expensive," Krumeich said.
"Right now, given the unusual economic times, as a town we are well
positioned to take advantage of the current financial and construction
markets."
The capital spending plan calls for $14 million of the $20 million to
be financed through the issuance of five-year notes, which officials
say is in keeping with the town's pay-as-you-go principles.
Despite rock-bottom interest rates, Walko said the town should stick to
paying for projects over the short-term and not incurring debt.
"I think we've been able to earn the AAA rating based on our
pay-as-you-go system," Walko said. "I still do not believe there is a
sentiment on the part of the members of the BET to change directions in
this economic climate."
Outlook
shaky at chamber luncheon
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Michael C. Juliano, Staff Writer
Posted: 01/15/2009 07:30:56 PM EST
People often ask him when this recession will be over, said Nicholas
Perna, an economic adviser for Webster Bank.
"It all depends on what you mean by when and over," he said Thursday at
the Greater Norwalk Chamber of Commerce's 2009 Economic Outlook
luncheon at the Continental Manor in Norwalk.
The event, which was sponsored by Webster Bank, was attended by about
175 business owners, bankers and other professionals. The
nation's gross domestic product, or total value of goods and services
produced in the United States, is expected to increase "with a little
luck" by the middle of this year or in the third quarter, but job
numbers may not rise until the third quarter or next year, Perna said.
"The labor market won't improve until the economy turns around," he
said.
Housing prices won't likely stabilize until next year, but the declines
might get smaller, Perna said.
"Then people will put their toes in the water," he said, adding that
the stock market will be a strong indicator of the economy's direction.
"It's a pretty good indicator of when the recession is going to stop."
Perna also is the chief economist and managing director of Perna
Associates, a consulting firm that specializes in economic analysis,
forecasting and strategy. Before founding this company, he was chief
economist for Fleet Financial Group, a position he previously held at
Shawmut Bank and Connecticut National Bank. Perna also has served as an
economist for General Electric, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York
and the President's Council of Economic Advisers.
The country may not be at a great risk for a depression, but deflation
threatens to further hurt the weakened economy by encouraging people to
save their money and wait for lower prices on what they want to buy,
Perna said.
"If you get a sustained decline, people will wait," he said. "It's also
a problem for businesses because the value of collateral falls."
Connecticut is expected to lose 60,000 to 80,000 jobs in this
recession, but as many as 140,000 were lost in the recession of the
early 1990s, Perna said.
"We've got to go through a lot, but we've been through a lot worse
before," he said.
After Perna's remarks, Peter Gioia, vice president and economist for
the Hartford-based Connecticut Business & Industry Association,
presented the CBIA's 2009 Fairfield County Business Survey, which
forecasts that sales revenues for half of Fairfield County's businesses
will "worsen somewhat" in 2009.
But businesses still should look to hire workers now, as the market for
employees has not been better in a decade, said Gioia.
"If you're doing a hiring freeze right now, you've got your head in the
sand," he said.
On the negative side, lawmakers in Hartford most likely will increase
state taxes because of the fallout in the financial services industry
in Fairfield County, which pays most of Connecticut's business taxes,
he said.
Audience member Eugene Schreiner, vice president of the commercial
division for Stamford-based First County Bank, said it's impossible to
know where the economy is headed.
"You can't predict the future, but I see a lot of good things
happening, even though things are so pessimistic in the media," he said.
Everyone needs to remain optimistic and spend wisely during the
economic downturn, said Fred Petrossi, manager of a TD Bank branch in
Norwalk.
"It's going to take time, like they (Perna and Gioia) said," he said.
"It's not like we can flip a switch and say it's over. We are all in
this together."
Town budget gap widens
Greenwich TIME
By Neil Vigdor, Staff Writer
Posted: 12/14/2008 02:34:07 AM EST
Gulp.
A projected $10.5 million gap in the town budget is widening to
proportions that officials have never seen before in what has arguably
been Connecticut's most prosperous town.
"We went through how big the problem could be. It's $31 million over
the next 18 months," said Roland Gieger, the town's budget director.
Budget officials are predicting an $8.5 million shortfall in revenues
from conveyance tax receipts, the sale of building permits and bank
interest in the current fiscal year, which has six months to go, and a
$6 million shortfall in 2008-09. That comes on top of the
anticipated $10.5 million gap, which has been bandied about since early
this fall and has been attributed to rising personnel costs and
shrinking revenues.
The architects of the town's projected $364 million budget will also
have to make up another $6 million, which they had hoped to have left
over in the General Fund balance at the end of the current fiscal year
to help pare down the tax rate and pay for unanticipated
expenses. Property owners could face a spike in property taxes in
excess of the customary 2 to 4 percent annual increase sought by the
town if the gap isn't closed, town officials said.
"It's a significant fiscal challenge and one that requires making
difficult decisions, which I'm certainly ready to do. It's a matter of
prioritization," First Selectman Peter Tesei said.
In a Nov. 26 memo to municipal department heads and the town's
appointing authorities, Tesei called for an across-the-board 10 percent
minimum reduction in non-salary town expenditures, a clamp-down on
employee travel and a hiring freeze for all positions but a few
positions in police, fire and other essential areas. Tesei also wants
to limit overtime, saying it should be reserved for when public safety
warrants it or a potential liability emerges. All overtime requests are
to be vetted by Tesei's office.
"We're looking at everything," Tesei said.
Some Representative Town Meeting members want the town to go a step
further and put the brakes on an estimated $49.2 million in capital
projects for which the money has been appropriated but not yet
spent. Among the options being considered by the town's budget
architects is to pare down capital expenditures in the 2009-10 budget,
taxing for only $30 million worth of projects instead of the planned
$37 million, Gieger said.
The town, he said, is also considering forgoing a discretionary
contribution to the town's post-employment benefits fund, which Gieger
said pays the health care of municipal retirees and was set to receive
$2 million in taxpayer money in 2009-10.
In addition to those measures, Gieger said the town is striving to save
$7.9 million in the current fiscal year's budget through various
efficiencies and reduce its operating expenses by $14.1 million when
the new budget takes effect on July 1, 2009.
Officials based their projections on actual expenditures from the
previous fiscal year rather than what was budgeted, which Gieger said
turned out to be more than was needed to deliver services.
Michael Mason, chairman of the Board of Estimate and Taxation's Budget
Committee, said Greenwich is not immune from the current economic
recession gripping the nation.
"Everybody's being very cautious. We all know these are difficult
economic times," Mason said.
Mason expressed optimism that budget architects would be able to close
the gap.
"I think we have a plan," he said. "I think we're on our way. We're
watching revenues. We're running models. The real key to success is how
much can we save and not spend within the current fiscal year."
One of the areas that Mason said budget officials are watching closely
this winter is the amount of snowfall, which in recent years has
depleted the town's snow removal budget and required additional
appropriations from the General Fund balance.
"Obviously, we're sitting here hoping we don't have a lot of snow this
winter," Mason said. "I don't want to rely on the Farmer's Almanac. I
would rather just cross my fingers."
Greenwich
investment firm moves to liquidate media company
Greenwich TIME
Associated Press
Posted: 12/11/2008 12:13:19 PM EST
LITTLE ROCK, Ark. (AP) - A creditor owed $41.5 million by Equity Media
Holdings Corp. says in bankruptcy court papers that it wants the Little
Rock-based company liquidated.
Equity Media has filed for Chapter 11 restructuring in U.S. Bankruptcy
Court. Silver Point Finance argues in a Wednesday filing that Equity
Media can't administer its finances with its present management. Silver
Point says that if there is a reorganization, a trustee should be
appointed by the court.
Silver Point, a private investment firm based in Greenwich, Conn., said
in the filing that Equity Media and its subsidiaries would not be able
to meet its payroll. The company said in November it had 200 employees
nationwide, with about half in Little Rock. According to its Web site,
Equity Media owns 121 television stations, licenses and permits.
Last month, Silver Point called its loan to Equity Media, saying the
company had defaulted. In Pulaski County Circuit Court, Silver Point
filed to foreclose and asked for a receiver to protect Equity Media's
assets.
On Monday, Equity Media made its bankruptcy court filing moments before
the receivership hearing was to begin, Silver Point said in court
documents.
Equity Media shares were trading at 4 cents per share Thursday. Over
the past 52 weeks, the stock has gone as high as $3.45 per share and as
low as 2 cents per share.
Information from: Arkansas Democrat-Gazette,
http://www.arkansasonline.com.
Tesei
calls for spending cuts
Greenwich TIME
By Neil Vigdor, Staff Writer
Posted: 12/09/2008 02:31:22 AM EST
Greenwich is going on a diet and it
has nothing to do with New Year's resolutions.
Bracing for a second consecutive
quarter of shrinking revenues from tax receipts, building permit fees
and bank interest, the town is looking at a broad regimen of
belt-tightening measures prescribed by First Selectman Peter
Tesei. In a Nov. 26
memo to all municipal department heads and appointing authorities,
Tesei called for a 10-percent minimum reduction in nonsalary
expenditures across-the-board by the town.
Tesei also wants to limit overtime,
saying it should be reserved for when public safety warrants it or a
potential liability emerges. All overtime requests are to be vetted by
Tesei's office.
"We want to keep a lid on that,"
Tesei said. "It's another layer of approval aside from your typical,
'It's budgeted for, therefore we'll use it.' "
The town budgeted $4.5 million this
fiscal year for overtime, an increase of 0.7 percent from the fiscal
year that ended June 30. Tesei said some overtime is unavoidable,
including the recent decision to give public works employees additional
hours to help with leaf collection.
"We want to get the leaves collected
because of the potential hazard those pose once snow and ice
materialize," Tesei said.
Members of the Board of Estimate and
Taxation and the Representative Town Meeting, to whom copies of the
Nov. 26 memo were sent, commended Tesei for his efforts to rein in
spending during difficult economic times.
"Peter has attacked the budget
wherever he can," said Joan Caldwell, moderator pro tempore of the RTM.
"If our revenues are going to be off and if we don't know that the
economic situation is going to level off at least, never mind improve,
we as legislators need to be very prudent and conservative in the way
we spend the taxpayers' money."
Michael Mason, chairman of the BET
Budget Committee, said he wouldn't be surprised if Tesei looked to cut
back hours of nonessential municipal programs and on the town's utility
usage. Despite the
mantle of being one of Connecticut's most prosperous towns and one of
the wealthiest in the nation, Mason said Greenwich has also been hit by
the weak economy.
"We're not different than any other
community," Mason said.
According to preliminary budget
documents prepared for the BET, the town needs to shed about $10.5
million in spending from the projected $364 million budget to avoid an
estimated 7.4 percent spike in property taxes for the 2009-10 fiscal
year. Cutting $10.5
million from next year's overall budget would put the town on pace to
match the previous nine years, when taxes increased at a rate of 2 to 4
percent annually as prescribed by the bipartisan finance board.
"Obviously, the first order of
priority is to be reduction of expenses, and I want that to be crystal
clear," Tesei said.
To help the town close the budget
gap, the BET has called for the elimination through attrition of 15
positions from the town's work force of 1,024 non-school
employees. Tesei said
he already is planning not to fill five of the 47 positions that are
currently vacant, including a gardener and a horticulturist in the
Parks department, a painter foreman in Public Works, an accounting
clerk position in Finance and the town's consumer affairs coordinator.
In remarks last month to the
Northeast Greenwich Association, Tesei said his administration may
consider laying off workers in light of the projected $10.5 million
budgetary gap facing the town. In previous years, that gap was about $5
million, according to town officials, who are predicting a $7 million
shortfall in revenues from tax receipts, building permit issuance and
bank interest.
Norwalk
company to head out West, cost 100 local jobs
By CHRIS BOSAK, Hour Staff Writer
Posted on 12/08/2008
The merger is official and now Norwalk is feeling the pinch with about
100 jobs lost and 51,000 square feet of commercial real estate back on
the market.
On Nov. 21, the $6.7 billion acquisition of Norwalk-based Applied
Biosystems Group by Invitrogen Corp. became official, a few weeks after
gaining approval by the European Commission. The new company is known
as Life Technologies and will have its headquarters in Carlsbad, Calif.
Because the newly formed company is eliminating "redundant positions,"
the Norwalk office will be vacated by July 2009 and about 100 employees
will be without jobs. While news of the merger had been expected for
months, the city did not know the company would be leaving Norwalk
until it received a letter from Life Technologies Corporation.
"I'd have to admit I'm disappointed," Tad Diesel, Norwalk's director of
marketing and business development, said. "We've been trying to talk to
the company about setting up a meeting, but they never get back to us.
The deed having been done, our intent lies in doing what we can to help
the employees. This was a very good company with highly skilled
workers."
Applied Biosystems, a health care and life science technology company,
is a division of Applera (formerly Perkin-Elmer). Invitrogen acquired
Applied Biosystems to form a global biotechnology company.
In a statement released by Life Technologies on Monday, Applied
Biosystems employees will be provided with severance packages and job
placement services.
"The company appreciates the contributions of all employees at the
Norwalk site for their years of service," the statement reads. "We are
committed to treating affected employees fairly and with dignity, and
providing them with severance packages and job placement services.
"As part of the integration plans associated with the merger of
Invitrogen and Applied Biosystems, the companies are committed to
achieving $80 million in synergies in the first year after close of the
transaction," the statement adds. "The companies stated that part of
those synergies would be achieved through corporate overhead
reductions, which unfortunately does include the elimination of
redundant positions between the two companies.
"The companies also stated that they plan for the corporate
headquarters to be in Carlsbad and the decision has been made to
consolidate the majority of corporate functions. Therefore, the Norwalk
site that housed the Applied Biosystems corporate offices is expected
to close in July 2009. Invitrogen expects that corporate functions at
that site will be transitioned to other locations between now and
December 2009. This closure is expected to result in the elimination of
redundant positions."
Applied Biosystems had been in Norwalk since 2001. The company occupied
51,239 square feet, including the entire fourth floor, of 301 Merritt 7.
Joann McGrath, leasing agent for Albert D. Phelps Co., which manages
Merritt 7, said it is unfortunate that Applied Biosystems is leaving
Norwalk, but said the departure opens a rare block of large space in
Norwalk. The company is under lease until May 2011, however McGrath
said Albert D. Phelps will look for a buyout replacement tenant.
"There was nothing we could have done to keep them," McGrath said.
"This now becomes an opportunity. (Building) 301 is the hub of
amenities at Merritt 7 and we just renovated the facade, so for a new
company, this would be like moving into a new building. We haven't had
a large space like this available in a long time."
Diesel said the city will work hard to help the displaced employees and
also assist Albert D. Phelps in finding a new tenant.
How
about the Stamford building?
U.K. Takes Majority Stake in RBS
NYTIMES
By JULIA WERDIGIER
November
29, 2008
LONDON — The British government took majority control of Royal Bank of
Scotland on Friday after investors shunned the lender’s share sale,
paving the way for a larger government role in Britain’s banking sector.
Investors signed up to buy 0.24 percent of the shares, which were
offered as part of a plan to bolster the bank’s capital, and the
government, which had underwritten the sale, picked up the rest,
leaving it with a 57.9 percent stake in RBS.
The government also agreed to buy a separate block of preferred shares
bringing its investment in RBS to about $31 billion. The investment
leaves taxpayers already with a paper loss of more than $3 billion,
based on Thursday’s closing price.
RBS was one of three British financial firms that sought government
help to fulfill stricter capital requirements intended to help banks
survive the credit crisis. Two others — Lloyds TSB and the mortgage
lender HBOS, which have recently agreed to merge — also relied on the
government to take up any shares they cannot sell.
But some analysts warned that even those stricter capital rules might
not guarantee the stability of Britain’s banks as the turmoil in the
financial markets continued.
“We have no idea whether this will work or whether it’s just flipping
matches at a damp bonfire,” said Justin Urquhart Stewart, a fund
manager at Seven Investment Management in London. The lack of interest
in the share sale “just underlines the loss of faith by everybody in
the banking sector.”
Investors balked at buying RBS stock after it dropped below the offer
price of 65.5 pence a share earlier this month. Before that, some
investors considered buying the shares to avoid the government taking a
stake, which would mean stricter limits on dividend and bonus payments.
But they failed to do so when it became cheaper to buy the shares on
the open market than through the share issue. The shares fell 5.8
percent, to 52 pence in London on Friday.
“We are grateful to the government for its underwriting and broader
financial support to liquidity and funding markets,” the RBS chief
executive, Stephen Hester, who took over earlier this month, said in a
statement. “We regret that existing shareholders did not take up their
pre-emptive rights but understand that market sentiment toward the
banking sector made this uneconomic in the short term.”
The government’s majority stake means that RBS’s management will remain
in place and will run the bank on a daily basis, but the government
will ensure that it adheres to the conditions of the bailout plan,
which includes offering more favorable loans to some businesses.
The government stake is held by a special holding vehicle led by Philip
R. Hampton, a former finance director of Lloyds, who will ensure that
RBS is run in a way that maximizes value for taxpayers. The government
plans to hold the stake until the shares recover and can be sold at a
profit.
Moccia cuts spending by nearly $1.79
million, wants BOE to slice budget
By HAROLD F. COBIN, Hour Correspondent
Nov. 7, 2008
Citing a sharp falloff in anticipated income for the current fiscal
year, Mayor Richard A. Moccia announced Thursday the city is
immediately cutting spending by nearly $1.79 million, while seeking to
increase nontax revenues by a minimum of $70,000.
During a news conference in City Hall, Moccia said the city is facing a
projected shortfall in income approaching $2 million in its 2008-09
budget, and the combined spending cuts and revenue increases will carve
that back by about $1.86 million.
Moccia said he is looking for the Board of Education to slice its
budget by around $140,000 to close the remaining gap.
The budget cuts will not result in layoffs of city employees or
elimination of basic services, but will require redeploying officers in
the police department, eliminating overtime for training in the fire
department, closing libraries on Sundays, and closing the Public Works
Department's yard debris disposal site on Saturdays.
"Just about every department in this city has been affected as far as
the reductions," Moccia said.
The city's existing hiring freeze will remain in effect, and
departments will be reducing purchases of supplies and equipment, as
well as cutting back on part-time positions and the use of consulting
and information technology services.
Moccia said the city never came close to ordering layoffs to meet
required spending cuts.
Moccia pointed to shortfalls in the real estate conveyance tax of
$1.575 million and Town Clerk land recording fees of $280,000, along
with reduced income from investments as the primary reasons for the
city's drop in income. At the same time, he said costs for solid waste
disposal and the Registrar of Voters office are running higher than
budgeted.
The city's finance director, Thomas S. Hamilton, who joined Moccia at
the news conference, said the amount collected in real estate
conveyance taxes in the first quarter of this year is down 47 percent
compared to the previous year.
Moccia said the city will be stepping up its efforts to collect
delinquent taxes and increase miscellaneous revenues.
The current budget was adopted last spring and, at the time, Moccia
said, it was conservative in proposed spending and projected income.
The city planned to spend $273.7 million in its operating budget this
year.
In talking with his department heads and the leaders of the city's
unions, Moccia said he explained the current situation is not the
result of overspending, but reduced revenues.
Considering the outlook for the economy, Moccia said there is no reason
to think the collection of conveyance taxes or recording fees will
improve anytime soon. At the same time, he said, with the state of the
economy and an upcoming revaluation of properties, "There is no way
that I can go to the taxpayers and hit them at this time with a large
tax increase."
Moccia warned the city's economy could be dealt another blow if the
state implements mid-year reductions in aid to municipalities.
Hamilton said the city's income and expenditures are reviewed at least
monthly, so the estimated $2 million revenue shortfall could rise or
fall. Depending on the fate of the economy, Hamilton said it was
conceivable the drop in anticipated income for the current budget could
reach $2.5 to $3 million before it expires next June 30.
In arriving at the cuts, Hamilton said department heads were asked to
come up with 3 percent in savings. He said the final cuts were not
evenly divided across departments, with some finding more expenditures
that could be eliminated than others.
Hamilton said the money from the cuts will go into the city's
contingency fund, which currently contains about $1 million.
The city does not control the Board of Education's budget, which
amounts to more than half of Norwalk's operating expenditures each
year, and cannot direct that it be cut.
The Board of Estimate and Taxation met with the Board of Education's
budget staff on Monday to request "commensurate" cuts be made in school
spending, Hamilton said.
Moccia said he is optimistic about the school system's response because
Superintendent of Schools Sal Corda and his staff "can look out this
window and see what's happening in the world today."
Meanwhile, Hamilton is already working on the city's 2009-10 budget,
and he said it's already known it's going to be a difficult year. He
said the city had planned on not taking any money from its fund balance
in the next budget, but, "We are now rethinking that."
Page
last updated at 08:12 GMT, Wednesday, 22 October 2008 09:12 UK
Financial crisis: World round-up
Bruce Richall is an IT consultant
based in the affluent Connecticut suburb of Westport. He describes how
the loss of his job at a multinational bank triggered a rapid spiral
into poverty. Having depleted his savings and unable to afford rent, he
now sleeps in the back of his car.
In the back of my mind, I
hoped it wouldn't happen to me.
I saw bank workers being escorted off the property, clutching
their boxes. It was very chilling to witness departing co-workers.
The bank where I worked had already undergone a series of
lay-offs in the previous months.
I really liked my job and wanted to keep it. I joined in
February, and having worked for many years as an IT contractor - with
its inherent instability - this position offered the potential of a
full-time position. It could become a "secure" job.
But when security guards made simple, routine rounds though
the cubes and offices, people would look up from their desks.
There would be a sigh of relief as the guards kept going.
But it didn't happen this time. On a Friday, my
manager came to my desk. Usually he came by to ask me if I could put in
some overtime. But, just by the look on his face, I could tell. This
wasn't an overtime request. This is it, I said to myself.
Sure enough, I was told that my last day would be the end of
the month.
Though I didn't show it outwardly, I was devastated.
Westport is home to many of the US' most
well-heeled citizens
|
I would have another month before leaving so that
I could start yet another job search. I immediately contacted my agency
to let them know that the assignment would be ending.
My last day at the bank was bitter-sweet. There was a cake
and a card. We joked but inside I was truly frightened. I asked myself
what would happen to me now, in such a difficult job market? Would I
become homeless?
At the end of my last day, my manager came downstairs with
me. We had a cigarette and talked.
"Bruce, if I can get you back here, you know I will," he
said. His words were kind and well-intentioned.
My life today has changed dramatically since my brief tenure
with the bank.
Now I'm facing a very uncertain future.
 |
I now sleep in the back of my
car, while I wait for a bed to become available at the shelter. I call
it The Hotel Honda 
|
I'm no longer collecting a nice pay check, going
to work every day and returning home at night. I'm no longer a part of
the team I so enjoyed working with.
Months passed as my savings gradually dwindled. I was only
collecting a small unemployment check from a low paying "between-jobs"
job that I had prior to signing on with the bank.
I had to move from my apartment, put my belongings in storage
and find a homeless shelter.
I now sleep in the back of my car, while I wait for a bed to
become available at the shelter. I call it The Hotel Honda.
I keep a good suit and a dress shirt in the back of the car
for interviews. I tell recruiters that I'm working.
This is not the life I imagined for myself when I graduated
from university. I never thought it would ever come down to this, but
here I am - homeless.
Unlike the Europeans, we in the US don't have
much of a social safety net.
My meagre unemployment income is too high to let me qualify
for Social Services, yet far too inadequate to pay for my home, food,
car, utilities and health insurance.
I have hypertension, yet I can't afford a doctor, the
emergency room or vital medication. I need a corrective eye surgery
that I can't afford. Even routine check-ups are out of reach.
My meals are taken at a soup kitchen. This is poverty.
What galls me the most is that about one third of my income
is taxed. I'm taxed on what I earn and taxed on what I spend.
Now that I'm in need there is nowhere to turn.
Nobody is helping me except for my contributions to my
unemployment account.
Yet our leaders have found a way to bail out the very
institutions that have put myself, and others, at risk.
Happy ending for
Avon - several bids for the full amount, at interest rates even lower
than they had expected!
Avon Jittery As It Prepares To Refinance
Debt
Hartford Courant
By RINKER BUCK
October 12, 2008
AVON — - Passersby in this town of upmarket shops and sunny soccer
fields would hardly guess it is about to be drawn into the vortex of
America's financial crisis.
But that is the fiscal drama that will unfold early Tuesday morning,
when Avon Town Manager Philip Schenck and his financial advisers gather
around a conference table in town hall to sell $25.8 million in
short-term notes. The town needs to borrow this money in order to
retire existing debt, incurred while renovating Avon High School and
town hall, that is about to come due.
Avon faces a "drop dead" date of Oct. 23, when $26 million worth of
previous short-term notes matures.
In normal times, this routine "rolling over" of short-term debt — in
anticipation of selling long-term bonds to pay off projects like the
high school and town hall renovations — would have been easy for the
prosperous Farmington Valley town. Avon is one of only 66
municipalities in the country that enjoy a perfect AAA credit rating,
joining the likes of Malibu, Calif.; Boca Raton, Fla.; and Greenwich in
premium appeal to the purchasers of tax-free municipal securities.
But the tsunami of failure that obliterated such venerable names of
finance as Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers has submerged Wall Street's
municipal bond market as well. That market, according to a recent
report by Bloomberg News, normally handles $6 billion in borrowing by
states, towns and cities every week. But since mid-September, the
municipal bond market has been struggling to process just $1 billion a
week, a victim of the same credit strangulation that has stalled the
mortgage and commercial paper markets.
Avon already has been forced to spend $13,000 providing updated
financial information to the Standard & Poor's and Moody's ratings
services to reassure a skittish bond market that the town is still
creditworthy.
The best-case scenario for Tuesday morning, town officials say, is a
successful sale of notes at an interest rate of up to one percentage
point higher than normal. This could cost the town between $250,000 and
$300,000 in additional debt payments over the next year.
The worst-case scenario, of course, is the dreaded D-word that Schenck
and his colleagues refuse to utter — a credit-wrecking default on its
loans. But Avon's financial adviser and liaison with Wall Street,
Dennis Dix Jr., says it's "highly, highly unlikely" that Avon won't
meet the deadline of Oct. 23 for paying off its notes.
Dix says that in the event of an unsuccessful public auction Tuesday,
or only a partial sale of Avon's notes, he will spend the rest of the
week on the phone "begging, crying, cajoling" underwriters to accept a
private placement of Avon's debt.
Thus, for Dix and Schenck, Tuesday morning's auction is literally an
abyss. They have no idea whether they will receive enough offers to
float their town debt, or what will happen afterward. Nine days later,
on the 23rd, looms the big deadline.
"This is going to be on my mind all through the long [Columbus Day]
weekend, and it will be nail-biting time until our deadline of 11:30 on
Tuesday morning, when hopefully we have the entire $25.8 million sold,"
Schenck says. "In 30 years of doing this I've seen bad bond markets
before, but nothing like this."
During the millennial boom years after 1995, the Farmington Valley
prospered as a desirable exurb, and towns like Avon, Canton and
Simsbury built out most of their available residential land and
sprouted tony new malls along Route 44. Avon's population has grown
from 13,937 in 1990 to an estimated 17,333 today.
As a result, school enrollments soared — Schenck says the Avon schools
have grown over the past 15 years from roughly 2,000 students to 3,600
today.
Avon has spent the past decade deferring improvements to other town
facilities so it could devote most of its capital spending to
education, much of it required by state mandates on such things as
classroom sizes, athletic facilities and updated safety standards.
Schenck points out that academic competitiveness, alongside such
advantages as hiking trails and open space, is vital if Avon wants to
remain attractive to residents.
"In terms of SAT scores and our overall academic achievement, Avon is
now considered in a league with such Fairfield County towns as Darien,
New Canaan and Wilton," Schenck says. "You can't stop supporting that
kind of excellence. It's an amenity that attracts new residents and
rewards our long-term taxpayers."
But growth in Avon, as is so in many other suburban Hartford towns,
ignites a cycle of spending. Good schools beget new development, which
begets more taxes to support growing school enrollment, which begets
crowded middle and high schools. Three years ago, Avon began spending
$30.6 million for a new high school gym, cafeterias and classroom wings
to accommodate this growth. (The town needs to borrow only $25.8
million because the rest of the building costs were covered by state
aid.)
To pay for these capital expenses, Avon did what all towns do: roll
over short-term notes for two or three years until final costs for the
renovations, plus state aid, could be precisely calculated, then plan
to float 20-year bonds to stretch out the debt payments. The town's
pristine credit rating assured investors that buying the bonds at
prevailing interest rates below 2.5 percent was a safe investment.
But those days of fiscal wine and roses, for the moment, are over. As
American and foreign credit markets withered over the past six weeks,
some of the most creditworthy states and cities found few bidders for
their routine borrowing, to support either ongoing expenses or capital
projects.
Since late September, for example, both Massachusetts and Connecticut,
which both enjoy favorable AA credit ratings, were forced to either
withdraw or reduce scheduled note sales for routine refinancing of
debt. Dozens of states and cities across the country simply canceled
elective note and bond sales — delaying construction on everything from
sewers to alternative energy projects — until the bond market recovers.
Meanwhile, that bond market was being big-footed by California Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger, whose annual fall borrowing of $7 billion in
tax-anticipation notes was imperiled by the credit freeze. (Without
this autumn borrowing, California would run out of money by late
October and miss its payrolls and state aid to cities and towns.)
Schwarzenegger made municipal-finance history this month by suggesting
that the U.S. Treasury may have to bail out the country's largest
state. A move like that could swamp the market.
"We literally don't know what's going to happen day to day, and none of
us have ever seen anything like this," says Jeffrey Esser, the
executive director of the Government Finance Officers Association in
Chicago. "Most jurisdictions across the country are just holding off
and not going to the market, which in any case doesn't exist. Those who
do have to borrow are paying higher interest rates."
Esser, and officials at the Connecticut Treasury, say they were
encouraged at the end of last week by signs that the municipal bond
market was slowly recovering. Maine, Kentucky, Ohio and the Long Island
Power Authority had, by week's end, completed successful borrowings on
the bond market.
Uncertainty over Tuesday's note sale is not the only impact felt by
Avon. The stock market decline this year has reduced the value of its
pension fund for town employees, and another reserve fund for retiree
health benefits has also declined in value. The town has also decided
to put off, for now, a much-needed library addition.
Normally, Dix says, a triple-A rated town like Avon would receive eight
or nine competitive bids for its notes. But he worries that on Tuesday
he may receive only two or three bids for just part of the $25.8
million issue. During 37 years in the municipal bond business —
including the mid-1970s, when New York City's fiscal crisis sent
tremors through the market — Dix has never seen conditions this bad.
"The issue right now is not price, it's access to market," he says. "No
one is buying. It's a situation of giving a party and no one comes. And
Avon's problems with this note sale are very reflective of what's
happening in the entire United States right now."
For Schenck, who has served Avon for 30 years, this year's financial
crisis is a jarring career finale. Last month, unrelated to the
national credit crunch, Schenck announced plans to retire in 2010. Now
he faces not only the uncertainty of Tuesday's note sale, but its
aftermath: a year or more of juggling budgets to pay for higher
interest rates.
Although jittery about Tuesday morning, Schenck is grateful for one
chapter in his past. Schenck is a former lieutenant colonel in the Army
Reserve, and over the winter of 1990-91 he was mobilized to the Persian
Gulf during Desert Storm, where he spent six months as the executive
officer of a unit responsible for health care of U.S. soldiers and
detaining Iraqi prisoners of war.
"There's a lot of similarities in the skill sets required to manage an
Army unit at war and an unprecedented financial crisis like this,"
Schenck says. "It will be the same stressful, demanding environment on
Tuesday — Avon's financial Desert Storm."
Montville Voters OK $12M To Pay
Rand-Whitney; Bond money will satisfy judgment against town
DAY
By Megan Bard
Published on 10/8/2008
Montville - The town will issue up to $12 million in bonds to pay
Rand-Whitney Containerboard to satisfy a federal court judgment against
the town. With 13 percent of eligible people voting, taxpayers
approved the request 988 to 246 at a townwide referendum Tuesday.
After waiting anxiously for the results to be announced, Mayor Joseph
Jaskiewicz thanked voters for their support.
”I can't tell you how pleased I am,” Jaskiewicz said.
The mayor will talk to attorneys and financial advisers today to begin
the bonding process. Town Council member John Geary, who also
serves on the Water Pollution Control Authority, said it is a “tragedy”
that the taxpayers had to consider such a question, but that he was
relieved it passed.
”We lost on the basis of a technicality,” Geary said of the U.S.
District Court judge's 2002 decision to set aside an earlier jury
decision in favor of the town. “Anyone who attended the trial realized
that the jury had it right.”
In August, a federal appellate court upheld the lower court judge's
ruling that the town owes the paper making company $11.68 million.
Rand-Whitney claimed that the amount would pay for past and future
damages done to its linerboard operations when the town failed to
comply with a 60-year contract signed in 1992 to provide clean water to
the company.
The contract requires the town to treat wastewater sent by the company
to the town's treatment plant and then return the cleaned water to the
mill. At issue was the town's inability to clean the water to the
standard it promised.
Late Tuesday, Patrick Kinney, a spokesman for Rand-Whitney, said the
company is pleased with the results and that it looks forward to
working with the town to solve whatever outstanding issues
remain. Kinney said prior to the judgment, town and company
officials were working diligently on a settlement. He said he hoped
that “spirit of cooperation” continues.
”We understand that this issue has been contentious and troubling for
the community, but it's one where we signed a contract and we want to
run our business and continue to do business in Montville. With the
judgment behind us we really do look forward to working with the
leadership of the town,” Kinney said.
Several people who cast a ballot Tuesday said they voted yes not
because they support the judgment, but because they feared what would
happen if the referendum question was rejected.
If the bond request had been rejected, Rand-Whitney still would have
been paid; the money would have come from a separate bond the town
acquired through an insurance company prior to it appealing the U.S.
District court ruling. The insurance company would have paid
Rand-Whitney and then could have sought restitution from the town
within 90 days.
The WPCA is researching a way to improve the quality of the water
returned to Rand-Whitney.

STATE: http://www.courant.com/business/hc-ctlayoff-pg,0,2378886.photogallery

IN ALL OF CONNECTICUT, THE
FINANCIAL CRISIS HAS ITS IMPACT...



READ HOW THIS PROJECT WAS PART OF
THE LEADING EDGE OF THE FINANCIAL MELT DOWN...
State's cash flow problem sparks partisan
feud
Keith M. Phaneuf
January 6, 2012
A new report showing state government's operating cash pool is running
low sparked a partisan dispute Friday between minority Republicans in
the House of Representatives and Gov. Dannel P. Malloy's administration.
And while House Minority Leader Lawrence F. Cafero, R-Norwalk, tried to
link the cash flow problem to an unstable state budget, Office of
Policy and Management Secretary Benjamin Barnes countered that it stems
from decades of fiscal gimmicks that preceded the current
administration.
House Republicans cited state Treasurer Denise L. Nappier's monthly
cash flow report, which showed she temporarily shifted funds in
December from capital programs to cover operating expenses. This is a
legal procedure employed on past occasions at year's end or on other
occasions when bills exceed tax and other operating fund receipts.
"The state's cash at hand is at near record-low levels, further
evidence that Connecticut's fiscal health is in question, contrary to
the Malloy administration's assertions," Cafero said.
Barnes' office and state Comptroller Kevin P. Lembo have reported in
recent weeks that this fiscal year's $20.14 billion state budget is
roughly $80 million in the black, a surplus of less than one-half of 1
percent. And that's despite about $1.5 billion in new state taxes.
In addition, both offices also concede that with key income tax filing
data delayed last fall after two severe storms, the state won't get a
clearer picture of how its chief revenue source is faring until January.
According to Nappier's report, the state had just under $196 million in
its operating cash fund entering December. But Connecticut also had
roughly $1.3 billion in accounts for capital projects being financed
through bonding. And because the state operates from a common cash pool
that mingles tax revenues, federal grants and receipts from fees and
licenses with borrowed funds, the treasurer's office is allowed to
transfer funds between operating and capital programs.
Weekly disbursements from the entire common pool average approximately
$540 million, according to the treasurer's office.
During the past few years, several House Republicans have objected to
this system, arguing it allows administrations to hide problems with
the operating budget.
Malloy and his fellow Democrats in the legislative majority "rammed
through the largest tax increase in history and we are borrowing
millions for state employees' salaries and to keep the lights on,"
Cafero added. "Why can't Connecticut keep up with its bills?"
Barnes countered that Cafero's statement was false and Malloy's budget
chief particularly bristled at the GOP leader's use of the term
"borrowing," since Nappier's transfers didn't cost the state any money.
"The assertion that the state is using "borrowing to cover operating
gaps" is false and reflects ignorance of how the state's budget and
cash management work," Barnes said.
Nappier said Friday that the House GOP release is "unfortunate evidence
that they value political gamesmanship over the facts."
Though Nappier conceded that transferring funds from capital programs
-- and restoring them shortly thereafter -- is done "fairly
infrequently," it is "part of our arsenal of cash-management tools."
The treasurer has said these transfers enable the state to avoid
incurring the high interest charges it would face if it approached Wall
Street or a bank for financing explicitly to cover operating expenses.
The real culprit, Barnes added, is the modified cash basis accounting
system that has allowed past administrations and legislatures to
balance a series of budgets with hundreds of millions of dollars in
phantom savings and creative accounting.
Malloy is pushing to convert state finances to generally accepted
accounting principles, a series of common financial guidelines that
emphasizes transparency. Under GAAP, expenses must be promptly assigned
to the year in which they were incurred. Similarly, revenues are
counted in most situations in the year in which they were received.
The legislature's nonpartisan Office of Fiscal Analysis estimates state
government would need another $1.7 billion on hand to be in compliance
with GAAP rules.
State government did borrow to help pay its bills in 2010 under a plan
crafted by Nappier and approved by then-Gov. M. Jodi Rell. The state
obtained $580 million in bond anticipation notes -- effectively a
short-term loan -- that were paid off one year later with an interest
charge of about $10 million.
Wall Street taking a closer look at
Connecticut's ailing pension fund
Keith M. Phaneuf, CT MIRROR
February 1, 2011
One of the leading Wall Street credit rating agencies recently
increased its focus the fiscal health of state pension systems when
rating overall creditworthiness--at the worst possible time for
Connecticut.
Moody's Investors Service stopped short of saying when--or if--this
might lead to a drop in credit ratings for particular states. But it
defended the focus as a step toward a more thorough and accurate
assessment of states' fiscal conditions.
"Pensions have always had an important place in our analysis of states,
but we looked separately at tax-supported bonds and pension funds in
our published financial ratios," said Moody's analyst Ted Hampton.
"Presenting combined debt and pension figures offers a more integrated
-- and timely -- view of states' total obligations."
Moody's found Connecticut is one of four states, along with Hawaii,
Massachusetts and Illinois, with the highest debt- and pension-funding
needs.
Connecticut, which has more than $19 billion in bonded debt and has
approved nearly $2 billion in borrowing since June 2009 to help fund
day-to-day government operations, already received a bond rating
downgrade from Fitch Ratings Services last year. And in November,
the
state received an actuarial report showing its pension fund in its
worst shape since the state began saving for pension obligations in the
mid-1980s.
The state's pension account held less than 45 percent of the funds
needed to meet its obligation to workers in the biennial valuation
released by Cavanaugh Macdonald Consulting of Kennesaw, Ga.
State government had $9.35 billion in assets in the pension fund as of
June 30, compared with $21.1 billion in obligations, which together
represent a funded ratio of 44.4 percent. Actuaries typically cite a
ratio of 80 percent as fiscally healthy.
The ratio, which stood at 52 percent in the 2008 valuation, plunged in
part due to declining investment earnings during the most recent
recession, a problem all states faced. But the system also has
been
weakened by deferred contributions, retirement incentive programs and
other actions by legislatures and governors to balance the annual
budget. And the slippage accelerated over the past two years.
Investment earnings, which fell by $1.7 billion in the 2008-09 fiscal
year, were partially offset by an $825.8 million gain in 2009-10.
But a May 2009 concession deal negotiated by then-Gov. M. Jodi Rell and
ratified by state employee unions and the General Assembly deferred
$214 million in pension contributions over the past two fiscal years,
and allowed another $100 million deferral this year. That deal
also
allowed the state to offer a retirement incentive program in 2009,
which increased pension benefits for about 3,800 eligible employees.
State government has offered five retirement incentive programs in the
past two decades.
Though popular among workers, these incentive programs have been
criticized by economists, legislators and some union leaders for
providing illusory savings, offering a short-term reduction in salary
costs that eventually is offset by larger, long-term losses suffered by
a pension savings account robbed of investment earnings.
The state's annual pension contribution, which currently stands at $844
million, is projected to grow just beyond $1 billion next year.
Further complicating matters, state employee unions agreed in
1995
with then-Gov. John G. Rowland to shift the pension contribution system
from a level-funded 30 year schedule to a backloaded system that will
force dramatic increases over the next few decades. The required
annual contribution is on pace to grow by 50 percent by 2017, double by
2026 and triple by 2038, based on a consultants' report issued last
summer for a state panel studying retirement benefits.
Gov. Dannel P. Malloy, who inherited a projected state budget deficit
of $3.67 billion for the coming fiscal year when he took office on Jan.
5, announced shortly thereafter that the pension system could not be
subjected to any more fiscal gimmicks. Malloy announced his pension
fund policy before the Moody's statement.
"He has been incredibly blunt and consistent: We cannot do stuff like
that any more," Roy Occhiogrosso, Malloy's senior advisor, said Monday.
"The governor has been quite clear about the need to get the state's
fiscal house in order due to issues just like this."
Malloy chastised congressional Republicans and New Jersey Gov. Chris
Christie during an editorial board interview with The Day of New London
earlier this month, charging that talk of states declaring bankruptcy
was fostering instability in the bond market.
State House Minority Leader Lawrence F. Cafero, R-Norwalk, said Malloy
and all Connecticut officials need to be prepared for some frank
discussions about the state's huge debt.
"The first step in solving a problem, personal or otherwise, is to
acknowledge the problem," Cafero said Monday. "And for so long we have
swept the problem under the rug. What it's all really about is telling
the truth -- to ourselves and to the public."
Malloy offers olive branch to state's
largest business group
Sees
better relationship as boost for job growth
New London DAY
By Lee Howard
Published 01/08/2011 12:00 AM
Updated 01/08/2011 04:07 AM
Hartford - Gov. Dannel P. Malloy told the state's largest business
association Friday that he wants to develop a more cordial relationship
between the government and private employers so Connecticut can once
again become a job-growth state.
Speaking two days after his inauguration as the state's 88th governor,
Malloy addressed the Connecticut Business & Industry Association's
annual economic summit at the Hartford Marriott Downtown, saying he
didn't want to place any roadblocks in the way of the state's financial
rebound. He promised to take a second look at regulations that impede
job growth.
"We need to change the relationship between the companies that employ
so many of our workers and our state government," he said. "We need to
be clear. We need to be plain-spoken. We need to be supportive. You
need to count on us."
Malloy said he is still putting together an economic team to develop
strategies to deal with Connecticut's $3.67 billion budget deficit and
the state's current loss of 90,000 jobs from an employment peak before
the Great Recession. Among the team's goals, he said, would be to
address areas such as transportation, infrastructure and education that
could benefit from greater state investments.
"A new day has come, and we are going to take these issues on," he
said. "There is no cavalry but us."
Malloy said the state's budget problems shouldn't preclude government
investments that spur growth - including the long-delayed completion of
Route 11, which would be the main highway between Hartford and
southeastern Connecticut.
"I'd like to see Route 11 done," Malloy said during a
question-and-answer session with the crowd after his speech.
Route 11 might get done, he suggested, by placing tolls to help pay the
cost of construction. Another possibility, he added, would be a
public-private partnership.
Any attempt to restart the Route 11 project during his term, Malloy
said, would require a creative funding scheme since the state budget
hole is so deep.
It's a problem for which Malloy has no easy answer since he cannot cut
spending by the huge number required to offset the budget deficit "and
be the state we, as Connecticut residents, aspire to be," he said. Nor
would raising taxes be a wise move, he said, "ruining any hope we would
have to being a job-growth state again."
Federal Reserve economists Robert K. Triest and Joseph Tracy, who spoke
before Malloy, gave some hope that the state's economy will come back
in 2011. They painted a picture of Connecticut and the rest of the
nation avoiding a double-dip recession and starting to recoup some of
the 7.4 million jobs lost throughout the United States in the past
three years.
Still, the country's current employment numbers are below their level
in 2000, despite a significant rise in the work-age population.
"One of the consequences of what we have come to call the Great
Recession is we have lost an entire decade of job growth," Tracy said.
But positive signs abound, the economists said, including steadily
lower initial unemployment claims, higher projected gross domestic
product, more people taking jobs as temporary workers and a higher rate
of job-quitting (indicating confidence in finding a new position).
The one cloud on the horizon, Tracy said, is housing, which started to
pick up at the beginning of last year but finished 2010 on a down note.
Some economists have predicted a 10 percent decrease in house prices
this year, he said, which would only add to the millions of distressed
properties currently on the market.
"My guess is that as house prices continue to decline, there will be
very little incentive for builders to build new houses," he said.
Tracy added that Connecticut may be protected from some of the market
gyrations experienced in other states thanks largely to housing prices
here that didn't skyrocket during the end of the real-estate boom as
they did elsewhere.
"We have had less of the upswings and the downswings - and the adverse
consequences that result," he said.
Economists: State's recovery likely to slow
Keith M. Phaneuf, CT MIRROR
September 9, 2010
STAMFORD - The nation's economic comeback has hit a lull, and by
next year Connecticut may follow suit, University of Connecticut
economists warned Wednesday in their latest quarterly forecast.
Connecticut will have gained 20,000 jobs by year's end, according to
projections by contributors to The Connecticut Economy, the
university's quarterly economic review. But job growth in 2011 might
top out at half that number.
"The recovery is average at best," economist and executive editor
Steven P. Lanza said during Wednesday's presentation of the latest
quarterly review before about 100 business leaders gathered at UConn's
Stamford branch campus. "The big fear now is we're in for the big
chill."
While the national economy slowed during the second quarter of 2010,
non-farm jobs grew in this state by about 8,000, despite a big drop in
Census government jobs, the review states. Professional and business
services saw their first increase since before the recession began in
March 2008 and manufacturing grew for the first time since mid-2006.
But despite these positive marks, other signs hinted that growth in
Connecticut may be ready to slow down.
Though the state's two largest labor markets, Hartford and
Bridgeport-Stamford, both added jobs in the second quarter, the New
Haven and New London markets lost ground.
"The recession's severity and flagging support from federal stimulus
funds are forcing budget cuts in schools and hospitals statewide," the
review noted, adding that the education and health care sectors lost a
combined 1,100 jobs last quarter, their largest drop since the end of
2000.
Retailers, hotels, restaurants and bars all increased their payrolls
during the second quarter of 2010 as consumer spending rose and average
weekly earnings were up 3.5 percent compared with the second quarter of
2009. But most of that growth was tied to expanded worker hours rather
than to pay increases, the review states.
UConn economists continue to predict job growth in three of the four
labor markets by year's end, with New London being the exception. But
as the federal stimulus winds down and businesses refocus on building
inventories back up, job growth could slow quickly.
"Normally, the recovery's reins would pass to businesses and
consumers," the review states, "but thus far they have proven either
reluctant or unable to seize them."
According to Connecticut Labor Department statistics, the state lost
just over 103,000 non-farm jobs between March 2008 and December 2009.
The review projects Connecticut's gross domestic product, the chief
measure of its overall economic output, will grow about 1 percent this
year, better than the 3.4 percent loss recorded in 2009 but too meager
to set the stage for major job growth in 2011, Lanza said.
Gold Coast Slips But Maintains
Huge National Wealth Lead
Average
Income Per
Person In Southwestern Connecticut Fell By One Of The Biggest Margins
In The Nation In 2009.
By KENNETH R. GOSSELIN, kgosselin@courant.com
10:02 PM EDT, August 9, 2010
The country club set on the state's Gold Coast doesn't like to talk
about it, but there was no avoiding reality when the numbers came in on
Monday: Average income per person in southwestern Connecticut fell by
one of the biggest margins in the nation in 2009.
But they can breathe a sigh of relief. The metropolitan area that
stretches from tony Greenwich to Bridgeport and its suburbs remains far
and away the wealthiest among 366 U.S. areas — as it has for years. And
there appears to be no challenge in sight.
Per capita income in the Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk metro area was
$73,720 in 2009, down 6.8 percent from $79,108 the previous year,
according to estimates released Monday by the U.S. Commerce Department.
That's almost 20 percent higher than the next wealthiest metro area of
San Francisco and the East Bay, which came in at $59,696 after falling
by 4.6 percent.
To be sure, there has been plenty of pain among the upper echelons in
southwestern Connecticut, not to mention the poor in Bridgeport.
Banking executives — many of whom work in Manhattan — lost their jobs
in the financial services industry meltdown. Survivors saw their
bonuses slashed or eliminated altogether.
Hedge funds heavily populate the area, and managers saw their funds
suffer and in some cases, collapse. While hedge funds had a good year
in 2009, managers couldn't cut themselves big paychecks when their
investors had suffered deep losses the previous year.
"You don't get to book a whopping loss and then pay yourself for
performance," said John Brunjes, general counsel for the Connecticut
Hedge Fund Association.
It was a down year across the nation, of course, and about
three-quarters of all metro areas declined, for a combined average drop
of 2.8 percent, to $40,757. That's barely more than half the Gold Coast
wealth.
Although southwestern Connecticut may crow about its status, the
Hartford, New Haven and New London metro areas have reason to toot
their horns, too.
In 2009, Hartford was ranked 12th highest in the nation in per capita
income, up from 15th in 2008, while New Haven jumped to 22 from 26. New
London came in at No. 23, up from 29th place in 2008.
The figures were calculated by totaling each area's income and dividing
by the population. That means a relatively small number of super-rich
people can skew the tally upward for a metro area — in contrast to
median income, which is a broader measure of how typical families are
faring.
Edward J. Deak, an economics professor at Fairfield University, expects
per capita income in southwestern Connecticut to swell again in the
next few years.
"Given the profitability of banks and brokerages this year, this is
temporary," Deak said. "We should start to see some rebound."
The per capita tally may be a feel-good factoid for Connecticut, but
Deak said it masks the fact, especially in the
Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk area, that there are still many families
that earn well below those levels and are still out of work.
"I just wish it would filter down to us little people," Deak said,
parodying a remark a few weeks ago by the embattled British Petroleum
chief, who was ousted. "There's a lot of little people that would like
to see better times."
Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk registered the fourth largest loss of per
capita income among all metro areas in 2009, with Midland, Texas,
sustaining the biggest decline at 8.4 percent, to $49,441.
Even hard-hit Las Vegas fared better than Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk,
sliding 6.2 percent, to $37,457.
Boston held on better than Greater New York. Beantown fell 2.7 percent,
to $53,713, coming in at No. 6, while the Big Apple and its suburbs
yielded 4.6 percent, to $52,375, No. 9 on the list.
Among the 366 metro areas, 84 saw gains in per capita income, but they
were limited to smaller cities. The strongest gain was registered in
Jacksonville, N.C., which rose nearly 12 percent, to $44,664.
The three lowest metro areas in per-capita income were in Texas, with
McAllen-Edinberg-Mission the lowest of all, at $19,720.
Greater Hartford dipped 2.1 percent, to $49,667. New Haven fared
better, dropping 1.7 percent, to $46,125.
Hartford and New Haven likely gained a bit of an advantage in 2009
because of growth in health care and educational services, said
economist Alissa DeJonge, director of research the Connecticut Economic
Resource Center in Rocky Hill.
"Those industries held on, despite the recession," she said.
The Interest-Rate 'Trap' That Could
Slow Recovery
Hartford Courant
Dan Haar
April 30, 2010
Way back at the end of 2007, when the U.S. economy started shedding
jobs, Connecticut employers continued to add positions for a few
months. For much of 2008, we had an easier time than the nation.
Eventually, we ended up with a recession about as bad as that of the
rest of the nation, perhaps a bit milder. But now we might have to pay
for that hiatus, and not only because Connecticut traditionally comes
out of recessions more slowly than other states.
Call it the interest-rate trap. It's bad for Connecticut, and it works
like this:
Sometime later this year or early in 2011, the economy will heat up
enough that the Federal Reserve will worry about inflation. The Fed
will raise its key interest rate, the overnight rate, from its current
target of 0 percent to 0.25 percent.
If history is any guide, the Fed will then tighten the screws rapidly
for a year or more — hoping that all the excess money it poured into
the economy doesn't explode as inflation.
Some bankers and politicians will grouse, but the higher rates will not
prevent employers in most places from creating jobs and consumers from
spending money more freely.
Connecticut, unfortunately, might not be one of those places.
Forecasters expect slow job growth here, as usual following a national
recession. So, the state could suffer from the tightening money flow,
even as it struggles to generate the sort of excitement that will have
led to the tightening in the first place.
"If you slow down a weaker recovery you're going to get very poor
decline in the unemployment rate," said economist Ron Van Winkle, West
Hartford's town manager.
It's a dangerous time because, as Van Winkle points out, "the state
legislature is postponing the decision to drop the shoe," meaning
lawmakers are sweeping an $8 billion budget hole under the rug by
borrowing money to fill it. If the cleanup happens at a time when
interest rates are rising, that could add to the pain.
The interest-rate trap isn't just a fantasy fear — it actually happened
after each of the past two recessions. Between February 1994 and May
1995, the Fed raised the key lending rate by 2.75 points, to 6 percent.
Despite the rising borrowing rates, U.S. unemployment fell by a full
1.2 points, and the nation's payrolls swelled by a fat 3.8 percent.
Connecticut, by contrast, saw its unemployment rate fall by just one
tick. Job creation was decent, not great, at 2.1 percent, but home
prices in most towns continued to fall.
We had a similar pattern as the Fed raised rates between June 2004 and
November 2005. That time, our job creation was even weaker, although
home prices did increase nicely.
This time around, the picture is ominous for the state because the
jobless rate here is uncomfortably high, at 9.2 percent and rising in
March — just under the 9.7 percent national rate, which has been
falling. It's true that the first three months of 2010 have brought job
growth, a hopeful sign, along with optimism by many executives.
But most economists, including Van Winkle, continue to predict a weak
2010 for Connecticut jobs. That makes it all the harder for the
governor and lawmakers to do something real to solve the budget crisis,
and it sets up another interest-rate trap for Connecticut.
Connecticut Unemployment At Its Highest
Of Recession
By MARA LEE, The Hartford Courant
2:52 PM EST, March 9, 2010
Unemployment in Connecticut ticked up slightly to 9 percent in January,
the highest yet in this recession. Unemployment hasn't been this high
in the state since 1976.
The national unemployment rate is 9.7 percent.
But the signs aren't all gloomy. Six of 10 economic sectors added jobs
in January – leisure and hospitality added 3,800 jobs, education and
health services added 3,200, retailers added 400 jobs and the federal
government added 400 jobs in Connecticut. Even smaller gains were seen
in information and in a catch-all category that includes nonprofits and
repair shops.
Only leisure and hospitality and education and health care are up for
the last 12 months.
Copyright © 2010, The Hartford
Courant
What is
the outlook here in November 2009?
From an important discussion that took place in Hartford, with
best economists reading CT tealeaves: our take from the power
point
- Connecticut's economic outlook:
not good
- Connecticut's tax picture:
not good
- Connecticut economic
assumptions...overly rosey
Conn. Jobless Rate Reaches 8.9 Percent in December
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
January 21, 2010
Filed at 4:44 p.m. ET
WETHERSFIELD, Conn. (AP) -- Connecticut officials say the state lost
4,800 jobs in December, pushing the unemployment rate to 8.9 percent.
The state Department of Labor says Connecticut has lost 94,500 jobs
since March 2008, although recent declines have been much slower than
the pace earlier in 2009.
The December figure was an increase from 8.2 percent in November. One
year earlier, it was 6.6 percent.
The biggest declines were reported in retail, leisure and hospitality
jobs. The only sector to add jobs was educational and health services,
which had 1,300 new positions.
The national unemployment rate in December was 10 percent.
Bankruptcy filings way up in New London
County
DAY
By Lee Howard
Published on 10/19/2009
Bankruptcy filings in New London County more than doubled in the third
quarter of the year compared to the same period last year, according to
statistics released today by a real estate tracking firm.
The Warren Group, publisher of The Commercial Record, said the county
recorded 205 bankruptcy filings between July and September, a big jump
from the 91 recorded last year during the same months.
Local Chapter 7 and Chapter 13 personal bankruptcy filings were up even
more dramatically than for the state as a whole. The state filings rose
from 1,773 last year in the third quarter to 2,569 this year — an
increase of about 45 percent.
“The dramatic increase in bankruptcy filings shows what effect job
losses and salary cuts have had on Connecticut residents,” said Timothy
M. Warren, chief executive of The Warren Group, in a written
commentary.
State banking regulators take aim at major mortgage lender
DAY
By Lee Howard
Published on 8/12/2009
The state Department of Banking ordered Wednesday that a major
nationwide lender stop writing new mortgages in Connecticut and
threatened to pull the firm's licenses.
Taylor, Bean and Whitaker Mortgage Corp. of Ocala, Fla., the
12th-largest U.S. home-loan company, has been unable to fund at least
15 mortgages closed last week, state banking regulators said. Another
110 loans that TBW closed in the state since April were funded late,
regulators added.
Connecticut Banking Commissioner Howard F. Pitkin issued a temporary
cease and desist order against TBW, and gave notice of his intent to
revoke its mortgage lender licenses. In addition, Pitkin said he would
be seeking a civil penalty of up to $600,000 from TBW.
Seven of TBW's branches are registered in Connecticut, but it has no
offices in the state.
The recession is my fault
DAY
By Elissa Bass
Published on 6/26/2009
Dear America: I'm sorry.
Dear Target, Talbot's, Payless, Land's End, LL Bean, Ocean State Job
Lot, Marshall's, TJ Maxx, and the outlets in Clinton and Westbrook: I
apologize.
See, the lack of an economic rebound - despite the gazillions of
dollars the government has poured into programs designed to turn things
around - is my fault.
I've stopped conspicuously consuming.
I've stopped impulse buying.
I've stopped “swinging by” the store and “picking up a few things.”
I've stopped getting what we “want,” and am now only getting what we
“need.”
Sigh. I know. I can't help it. I just can't seem to throw away money
anymore.
Me! The Queen of Credit Cards! Back in the day I had a wallet stuffed
full of 'em. Disposable income? I could not dispose of it fast enough.
But those days are gone. I simply can't bring myself to do anything
with my spare change other than bury it in mayonnaise jars in the back
yard. My psychologically induced spending reduction even has a name:
“paradox of thrift.”
In a recent Reuters article about the sloooooow economic bounce-back,
the reporter wrote, “The so-called 'paradox of thrift' has been at work
in recent months as shaken Americans slash spending, and try to rebuild
their personal safety nets, at a time their shopping dollars have been
desperately needed.” (Sorry!)
”The U.S. savings rate hit 5.7 percent in April, a 14-year high. During
the boom years the savings rate turned negative as consumers felt
confident about spending, buoyed by rising household wealth, especially
home prices.” (Mea culpa.)
In an Associated Press story about health care costs, the reporter gave
me a clue as to why I feel this way:
”From 1999 through 2008, worker earnings rose 34 percent and overall
inflation was 29 percent. So worker income has barely kept pace with
inflation, more of the paycheck is going to health costs, and there's
less left over for things like vacations, dining out, home improvements
or a new car - especially for low-wage workers and retirees. That
represents a huge drag on the economic growth, considering that
consumer spending powers about 70 percent of the economy.”
Having the paradox explained doesn't change things, though. So, I'm
sorry. But I'm not going back to the old ways.
Pension funds called next big crisis
CT POST
By Bill Cummings, Staff writer
Updated: 03/28/2009 10:59:09 PM EDT
The national economic collapse is battering municipal and state pension
plans, and that means taxpayers will likely dig deeper into their
pockets to pay retirees.
"It's a ticking time bomb," said Trumbull Finance Director Lynn Heim.
"Unless the market takes off, we will just be holding our head above
water."
Before the recession took hold, and before the stock market took a nose
dive, towns and cities across the region were already allocating more
money each year to pay retirees, who can earn as much as 70 percent of
their pay. But experts say the 2008 stock market crash is a
potent warning that the defined benefit retirement plans towns and
cities have relied on for decades could become budget-busting
expenses. As the stock market tanked, pension funds across the
region, state and nation suffered huge losses.
Fairfield's pension fund, for instance, lost nearly $100 million, or 28
percent of its value. Bridgeport lost $70 million in one fund, or about
30 percent of value. Milford's pension fund dropped $158 million, while
the state's pension funds dropped about 25 percent on average.
Faced with a market that as of Friday was down 35 percent over the last
year, it's unlikely those losses will be recovered any time soon.
Stratford is projecting its yearly pension costs could top $35 million
by 2029. Bridgeport's contribution has doubled since 2005, and even
wealthy towns like Easton are putting in twice as much next year.
This is not how pensions were intended to work. The defined benefit
plan was designed to be self-funded by setting aside a large pool of
money and investing it in stocks and bonds. In a perfect world, revenue
from those investments would both grow the fund and cover yearly
retirement costs.
For some communities, that's more or less happened. But in others --
Stratford officials recently warned that its pension costs could soon
bankrupt the town and dampen economic development -- the struggle to
pay retirees and keep taxes in check is well under way. All of
which raise questions about the future of public sector pensions. Some
wonder, for instance, if public employees will be forced to join the
legions of private sector workers who now pump money into 410(k) plans
with no guarantee the fund will grow and no promised level of benefits
if it doesn't.
Losses everywhere
No one anticipated the massive losses in the last months of 2008, and
that has left fund managers and town and city officials swimming in
uncharted water.
"There is going to be a big hit unless they can make the investment
return. It's a matter of how long that takes. This market, which no one
has seen, will create bigger issues," said Bruce Barth, a Hartford
benefits lawyer and founding member of the Connecticut Public Pension
Forum.
The losses are spread across nearly every town in the region. Aside
from Bridgeport, Milford and Fairfield, Trumbull's combined $54 million
pension fund dropped $11 million in 2008, and Derby's now $7 million
fund lost $1.2 million. Fairfield's $332 million combined fund is down
nearly $100 million, including $42 million that vaporized in Bernard
Madoff's now infamous Ponzi scheme. The state's pension plans
also lost big money, and a similar trend played out across the country.
Connecticut's $1.3 billion Municipal Employees Retirement Fund, which
also covers many town and city workers, ended 2008 down 22.4
percent. The state Teachers Retirement Fund, which covers all
teachers in the state, closed the year down 25 percent. The State
Employees Retirement Fund is down 26 percent.
"What we are facing are serious concerns about systemic risk," said
state Treasurer Denise Nappier. "Taxpayers should not have to pay for
the greed of Wall Street."
In Michigan, the Detroit General Retirement system lost 31 percent of
its value, while Macomb County, Ga., and the Virginia Retirement System
dropped 30 percent. Tennessee's pension system lost $5 billion from its
$31 billion fund in the last six months of 2008. Corporate
pensions are also increasingly at risk. The National Pension Guaranty
Corp., which ensures pensions for 44 million private workers and
retirees, is facing an $11 billion deficit, and experts expect that
deficit to grow.
"It's the same in the private sector. Many companies are pumping lots
of unbudgeted money into these plans. It's a major fiscal concern and a
drag on recovery," said Peter Sawyer, an analyst with the Connecticut
Business and Industry Association.
Unfunded liability
Kevin Maloney, a spokesman for the Connecticut Conference of
Municipalities, said finance directors across Connecticut agree that
unfunded pension liabilities are on the rise, and that means taxpayer
contributions will rise as well. Unfunded liability is the
difference between the value of a pension fund and how much is needed
to cover a town's or city's obligation to its retirees, both those
already retired and those who eventually will.
"Many plans are underfunded, especially in towns that struggle to pass
a budget," Maloney said. "In the end, this is another example of a
significant stress on municipal budgets and only reinforces that the
state and federal governments must do all they can to sustain an
adequate amount of federal aid."
Trumbull's town plan stands out because it's only 28 percent funded,
after suffering a $5.6 million loss last year. The town's $43.3
million combined town and police pension fund was well funded in the
1990s when the "market was flush," said Heim, Trumbull's finance
director. But as the market cooled in the preceding years, town leaders
did not contribute adequate amounts to rebuild the fund and pay
retirees. Heim said stabilizing the fund would require officials
to raise the tax rate by one mill, a step no one is willing to take.
"We have been negotiating with unions and are getting more
contributions," Heim said. "But by not putting money into the fund and
increasing contributions, we have created a sinkhole."
During the 2008-09 fiscal year, Trumbull contributed $1.8 million to
the town plan and expects to contribute $2 million next year. The
police fund required a $1.2 million contribution in the 2009 fiscal
year and that's expected to rise to $1.3 million in 2010.
Bridgeport during the 2006-07 fiscal year contributed $4.4 million to
its police and fire pension funds. This year the city contributed $6.7
million, and officials expect more will be required next year.
The city's contribution to the state retirement fund rose from $1.7
million in 2004-05 to $2.5 million in 2008-09. To put those numbers in
perspective, every mill in Bridgeport's tax rate represents more than
$5 million.
In Easton, the town's $11 million fund, as of July 2008, was 100
percent funded. Today, thanks to last year's losses, it's 83 percent
funded. The town's contribution of $254,000 this year is expected to
double to $554,000 next year.
Fairfield's pension plan in mid-2008 was 120 percent funded, which
meant the town was not directly contributing anything. After losing $96
million in the last half of 2008, Fairfield is projecting a $1.6
million town contribution next year.
Stratford's pension fund was only 59 percent funded in mid-2008 and
officials have pledged to pump $7.2 million a year into the fund. They
expect the annual contribution will rise to $35 million in 2029.
While recent losses are fueling future increases in town contributions,
other factors are at work as well. Some communities, such as
Bridgeport, link pensions to yearly union raises, which causes its
obligation to rise each time a union gets a new raise.
Other towns, such as Stratford, include overtime when calculating
pension salaries. Overtime allowed one Stratford worker to obtain a
$107,000 yearly pension on a base salary of $82,000 a year.
Towns seek concessions
Many towns also increased retirement benefits in exchange for smaller
pay raises now and offered employee buyout packages. In Bridgeport,
city officials recently amended a contract with firefighters so
employees can bank unused holiday, vacation and personal days for a
year in exchange for a promise that none of the union members will be
laid off. When the firefighters retire, they can collect the
value of the banked days at a pay rate that will most likely be higher
than what they earn today. While such moves can save money now -- fewer
firefighters on vacation means less overtime to cover for them --
experts say the long-term price usually far exceeds the short-term
benefit.
Michael Feeney, Bridgeport's finance director, and Heim, Trumbull's
finance director, each views his town's pension plans as a "ticking
time bomb." In separate interviews, each warned the cost to taxpayers
is going to steadily rise.
"The defined benefit plans are so rich. We have people leaving a job
making 60 to 70 percent of what they were making. And throughout the
state we have so many double dippers," Heim said, referring to workers,
usually police or firemen, who draw pensions from several towns.
"We need to eventually explore an alternate pension plan, maybe a
hybrid of defined plans and a 401(k)," Feeney said. "The future
obligations we face are very high and years like 2008 are very
challenging. When the market shifts, it affects everyone."
Some towns, such as Monroe, are offering a 457 plan to certain workers.
It is similar to a 401(k) plan in which workers contribute weekly to
create a pool of money to invest in the stock market. The employer
offers a match, usually a small percentage of what the worker puts
in. Monroe First Selectman Tom Buzi, and 14 other elected or
appointed officials in Monroe, are enrolled in the 457 plan. That's
mostly because participants become vested within six months as opposed
to five years for most municipal plans.
As an elected official, Buzi must win his job every two years.
The town annually contributes 7 percent of Buzi's salary to the 457,
and he can contribute up to a federal maximum. A employee contribution
is required to receive the town match. Much of corporate America
has already turned to 401(k) plans, which are viewed as far cheaper for
employers than defined benefit plans. That's mostly because a 401(k)
does not offer a set retirement salary; retirement pay is based on how
much is contributed and how well the investments performed.
"For the unions, that's not a good solution to them. No one wants to go
to that route," Heim said, referring to union reaction to converting
municipal workers to 401(k)s.
Keith McLiverty, Derby's treasurer, said municipal pension plans grew
out of a belief that town and city workers earned less than their
counterparts in the private sector. One advantage, he explained, was
good benefits, including a guaranteed pension ranging between 50 and 70
percent of an employee's final salary. McLiverty said Derby for
years believed its pension plan was the best deal for employees and
taxpayers. He admitted no one investigated whether an employee
contribution plan would save money.
"If it was a straight match, you could win. I have not looked at that,
but I'd like to run some numbers. That's a good point," McLiverty said.
"Public sector employees tended to make less, so the pension was a good
benefit for them. Do they still make less? We would have to look at
that, too."
Towns and cities can enter the state retirement plan, as Shelton did
years ago, but a town must pay off its existing pension liability. For
communities like Trumbull and Stratford, that's not likely anytime soon.
Many concerns
Barth, the Hartford benefits lawyer, said pension plan funding across
the state varies, with some plans overfunded and some severely
underfunded. Any fund that is less than 60 percent funded is considered
in trouble. Waterbury's pension plan is only 3 percent funded,
the result of years of raiding it to balance the budget, Barth said.
The city ended up under the control of a state financial review board.
By contrast, Bristol's pension fund is 200 percent funded, which has
prompted officials to consider removing a portion of the money and
investing it to offset health insurance costs. Christine Shaw,
spokeswoman for the state treasurer, said the impact of recent losses
won't be fully felt for several years, when new actuarial reports are
completed. Those reports predict how much in contributions will be
needed in the future.
"What is challenging is there may be scenarios where the plan sponsor
has to pay more than expected," Shaw conceded.
The National Association of State Retirement Administrators believes
the market will eventually reverse current short-term losses.
"Public pension funds are intentionally designed to withstand market
fluctuations, even ups and downs as dramatic as those in recent days
and in years past," said Terry Slattery, NASRA president. "Retirement
benefits for the nation's public workforce are safe and secure because
they are highly diversified and invested with a long-term focus."
Milford Mayor James L. Richetelli Jr. also said the impact of the
recession hasn't been felt yet.
"The way actuaries calculate the [required] contributions is to look at
an average of three or four years. That has a smoothing effect, but it
also means that the effect of what's happening now won't show up for a
couple of years."
State
braces for cash flow woe; Rell prepares in case revenues come up short
CT POST
By Ken Dixon, STAFF WRITER
Posted: 03/02/2009 03:53:02 PM EST
HARTFORD -- State Treasurer Denise Nappier warned Monday that
Connecticut could run into a cash crunch as early as May because of the
economic downturn.
Gov. M. Jodi Rell on Monday said she is planning a variety of options.
Rell's office said the extent of the cash-flow problem will depend on
income-tax receipts expected around mid-April, but she is preparing to
possibly bond some of the nearly $1 billion scheduled for release to
city and town school systems May 1.
"Our state keeps its money in a common cash pool, in part so that we
can earn as much interest as possible, the same way a family might keep
most of its money in a savings account," Rell said in a statement.
She said the downside of that tactic is that when the economy slows,
there is not a large amount of cash on hand, so the state may resort to
borrowing or issuing bonds.
"In addition to regular bills, in the coming months the state must make
the next round of Education Cost Sharing payments (the main grant for
state education aid) to cities and towns, and we want to be sure there
is enough cash on hand to make those grants without over-stretching our
resources," Rell said.
The ECS payments of May 1 will total more than $945 million to cities
and towns.
"It is not clear yet whether we will need to do anything," Rell said.
"It would not be the first time the state has taken such action and it
is only prudent to plan for all eventualities." She said the state
could issue bond anticipation notes for the ECS funding or draw on a
line of credit arranged with banks.
"If we must act, we will be looking for the best option, one that will
give us the liquidity we need without incurring excessive interest
charges or other expenses," Rell said. "I will consult with my budget
office, the treasurer and others as we determine the next steps."
Rell said the flow of federal stimulus money into the state could also
help the cash-flow problem.
Nappier's warning was in a draft letter to the governor dated Monday.
Also Monday, State Comptroller Nancy Wyman said revenue continues to
fall because of the nationwide economic downturn.
The income tax was projected to bring in $7.6 billion this year, but
Wyman said it will fall at least $900 million short. The state also
will pay out about $140 million more in tax refunds than was
anticipated, while sales tax revenues are expected to decrease by about
$352 million from estimates. The corporation tax is down by about $183
million, Wyman said.
State: Building permits drop 80%
CT POST
The Associated Press
Posted: 02/27/2009 08:46:50 AM EST
HARTFORD - Connecticut's economic development agency says the number of
permits issued for new housing dropped 80 percent in January, compared
to a year ago.
The state Department of Economic and Community Development says the 128
towns and cities that report monthly data approved 92 units last month.
That's down from the 454 units approved in January 2008.
The next lowest monthly total since January 2004 was the 153 units
approved in December, making the total for the past two months combined
just 245. The state agency says the most dramatic drop from last
year was seen in Stamford. Last year, with a major condo project
under way, the city approved 176 units. In January this year, Stamford
approved zero permits.
Indicator
of where other communities
are headed?
East Hartford's Grand List Shrinks 1.4
Percent
The Hartford Courant
February 9, 2009
The new grand list shrank by 1.37 percent, or $43 million, from the
previous year, Finance Director Michael Walsh said.
The Oct. 1, 2008, list of all taxable property is now about $3.1
billion.
Several factors caused the reduction, including fewer new-car
purchases, increases in commercial tax exemptions and a decrease in the
assessments of such businesses as the Sheraton Hotel. New
businesses,
such as the Aldi grocery store on Silver Lane, Phillips Farm and Meadow
Hill Farms, added revenue, but those tax dollars weren't enough to
counteract the overall decline.
Real estate assessments fell 0.34 percent, to $2.6 billion.
Personal property assessments dropped 8.91 percent, to $244 million.
Motor vehicle assessments fell 4.16 percent, to $237 million.
Grand List Total - $3.1 billion
Decrease From 2007: 1.37 percent
Top 10 Taxpayers (assessed property values):
1. United Technologies Corp.,
$348,262,010
2. Cabela's Inc., $30,183,540
3. Coca-Cola Bottling Co., $26,433,620
4. Freemont Riverview LLC, $24,293,090
5. Ansonia Acquisitions LLC, $23,716,230
6. Connecticut Natural Gas Corp., $22,011,140
7. Connecticut Light & Power, $21,846,630
8. Computer Sciences Corp., $20,720,500
9. Merchant 99111 Founders LLC, $16,637,090
10. East Hartford Founders LLC, $15,207,610
What Changed?
The town's top 10 taxpayers remained the same. United Technologies
bought new manufacturing equipment that is tax-exempt. Bank of America,
which moved into an enterprise zone at 20 Hartland St., received a 40
percent, five-year tax exemption. The exemption applies only to
increases in Bank of America's real estate and personal property taxes
that result from its $17 million investment in the property, said
Jeanne Webb, the town's development director. Cabela's, which opened at
Rentschler Field in October of 2007, received a full assessment last
year.
SOURCE: ASSESSOR'S and FINANCE DIRECTOR'S OFFICE
State Economy
Impacted By Financial Sector
The Hartford Courant
By
JANICE PODSADA
1:30 PM EST, December 10, 2008
Connecticut's higher-than-average concentration of financial services
is a blessing in good economic times. But in bad times like now, it's a
curse, according to a University of Connecticut economist.
Nationwide, the financial sector accounts for about 4.7 percent of all
jobs. In Connecticut, the figure is closer to 8 percent, according to a
2007 study by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.
In a thriving
economy, for every one job created by Connecticut's financial sector,
on average, another two jobs are created in related sectors, Steven P.
Lanza, executive editor of The Connecticut Economy told government
officials at a presentation Wednesday at the Capitol.
"This is all great news if the economy is expanding," Lanza said. "It's
troubling news if the economy is contracting."
In a recession, the ripple effect can work in reverse, he explained.
Lanza and other University of Connecticut economists predict that the
state's financial sector will lose 30,000 jobs over the next year. With
the ripple effect, those direct job losses in the financial industry
are expected to result in the loss of another 55,000 to 60,000 jobs.
"Total job cuts could approach 90,000," Lanza said.
And that spells trouble for the state's coffers, Lanza added.
Workers earnings could decline by $4 billion statewide, decreasing the
state's tax revenue by nearly $375 million this fiscal year. The
shortfall could double or even triple, depending on the job losses on
Wall Street, Lanza said.
About 25,000 Connecticut workers commute daily to New York City --
about 11,000 of whom work in the financial industry and whose jobs "are
on the chopping block," Lanza said. As their pink slips begin to pile
up, the state's budget deficit could exceed $1 billion.
The average recession lasts about year. But at this point, there's no
sign the economy is improving, Lanza said. "We're a year in. Losses are
accelerating and a bottom isn't in sight."
Government needs to respond accordingly. "Increasing taxes would only
make matters worse," Lanza told officials. "It puts the brakes on the
economy."
And while budget cuts are inevitable, Lanza urged officials to continue
funding the state's educational institutions at their current levels.
"You can just make across the board cuts. During recessions, there's a
spike in enrollment in colleges and universities. These are people
who've lost jobs and they're coming back to school and getting a new
set of skills. They're connected to the community. They're going to
stay here. They're making an investment in themselves and the state, he
said."
Copyright © 2008, The Hartford Courant
Connecticut's
economic forecast grim and grimmer
DAY
By Lee Howard
Published on 12/10/2008
Connecticut is in the midst of a long recession that will send jobless
rates over 7 percent and may not end until 2010 or later, according to
an economic report released today.
“The outlook for Connecticut is flat-to-very low growth in 2008, but
steep contractions in employment in 2009,” said economist Daniel
Kennedy in his quarterly economic forecast published in The Connecticut
Economy.
“Connecticut is on track to lose at least 20,000 jobs over the next
year,” added Steven P. Lanza, executive editor of the University of
Connecticut's economic review, which is published every three months.
“As job growth grinds to a halt and then shifts into reverse, area
unemployment rates will top 7 percent, and the slide in home prices and
building permits will drag on.”
The most recent numbers for the Norwich-New London area show
unemployment at 6.1 percent as of October.
Lanza said personal income in Connecticut increased during the third
quarter, but not enough to keep up with inflation. “Add tight credit
conditions into the mix, and it is little wonder that few of the
state's retailers are posting 'help wanted' signs,” Lanza wrote in his
report.
Indeed, initial unemployment claims in the past quarter were up more
than 36 percent in the state, with a similar increase in the unemployed.
Lanza said last quarter showed some sources of strength economically,
including in the fields of leisure activities, transportation and
utilities as well as education and medical services, each of which
added 1,000 jobs in the period. Still, he predicted that the gains
weren't likely to last.
“There is little real hope that Connecticut can dodge a serious
recession,” Lanza said. “If we're lucky, it won't be as severe as in
the national economy.”
Lanza noted that state exports have risen at double-digit rates in
recent years, climbing more than 17 percent just in the past year. But
he added that the dollar's recent rise in value compared to foreign
currencies, combined with the worldwide recession, likely would cut
growth in the near term.
“The current forecast anticipates declines in employment, Gross
Domestic Product and housing permits at least through 2009,” Kennedy's
quarterly analysis stated. “Indeed, the recovery may not come until
after 2010.”
Rell plans talks
with unions about deficit
New Haven Register
Associated Press
Tuesday,
December 9, 2008 5:36 AM EST
CROMWELL — Gov. M. Jodi Rell said Monday that she
is sending a lawyer to talk with state employee unions this week about
potential cost savings to help reduce Connecticut’s mounting budget
deficit.
Rell declined to say whether state worker layoffs or contract
concessions would be part of the discussion. Her comments came after
she gave a speech to the Middlesex County Chamber of Commerce in
Cromwell.
The governor told the business group that government today is bigger
than taxpayers’ ability to pay for it. She said more spending cuts are
needed, and state officials must rethink how government works in an
economic crisis.
Rell did not offer specifics on any new spending cuts she planned to
propose, but said she opposes tax increases. She said she is focusing
on the core missions of government, including public safety, education
and taking care of those in need.
“But we’ve expanded in some of those areas above what is the basic core
function,” the governor said. “The bottom line is ... now we simply
have to get back to the basics and we have to get back to what we can
afford to pay for.”
The $18 billion state budget for this fiscal year, which began July 1,
is estimated to be nearly $340 million in deficit, and officials are
projecting about $6 billion in deficits for the next two fiscal years
combined.
A major source of the deficit has been declining state income tax
revenues, especially from Connecticut residents laid off from jobs in
the financial services industry.
The legislature approved a $300 million deficit-reduction plan for the
current fiscal year two weeks ago that included nearly $72 million in
spending cuts and delays. Rell will soon be submitting another plan to
shore up the budget to lawmakers, who return to session next month.
State worker unions say there are many cost cutting ideas that should
be considered before any talks about contract concessions or layoffs.
The unions are also hopeful the state will get help from
President-elect Barack Obama’s economic recovery plan.
Rell was among dozens of governors who met with Obama last week to
discuss their economic problems.
The governors have asked for at least $40 billion to help pay for
health care for the poor and disabled and perhaps $136 billion more in
infrastructure projects like road and bridge repairs in the
legislation, which Democrats on Capitol Hill hope to have ready for
Obama’s signature as soon as he takes office Jan. 20.
One plan Connecticut state employee unions favor is creating a health
care pool of all state and municipal employees, which the unions say
could save tens of millions of dollars.
Another idea is reducing extra costs associated with contracting out
state services, the unions say.
Matt O’Connor, a spokesman for Local 2001 of the Connecticut State
Employees Association/Service Employees International Union, said state
leaders should avoid budget cuts and layoffs that reduce services to
Connecticut’s struggling families.
“For our members, that is not the best approach to getting though a
crisis,” said O’Connor, whose union represents more than 22,000 public
employees and retirees. “This is a time that folks need public services
the most.”
SILVER LINING?
An opportunity for a small state like CT, with a full range of State
Colleges, Community and Tech Colleges and University of CT - all within
commuting distance. Will students who now go out of state, paying
full room and board elsewhere...perhaps return in some percentage to go
to college here? And then stay?
College May Become
Unaffordable for Most in U.S.
NYTIMES
By TAMAR LEWIN
December
3, 2008
The rising cost of college — even before the recession — threatens to
put higher education out of reach for most Americans, according to the
annual report from the National Center for Public Policy and Higher
Education.
Over all, the report found, published college tuition and fees
increased 439 percent from 1982 to 2007, adjusted for inflation, while
median family income rose 147 percent. Student borrowing has more than
doubled in the last decade, and students from lower-income families, on
average, get smaller grants from the colleges they attend than students
from more affluent families.
“If we go on this way for another 25 years, we won’t have an affordable
system of higher education,” said Patrick M. Callan, president of the
center, a nonpartisan organization that promotes access to higher
education.
“When we come out of the recession,” Mr. Callan added, “we’re really
going to be in jeopardy, because the educational gap between our work
force and the rest of the world will make it very hard to be
competitive. Already, we’re one of the few countries where 25- to
34-year-olds are less educated than older workers.”
Although college enrollment has continued to rise in recent years, Mr.
Callan said, it is not clear how long that can continue.
“The middle class has been financing it through debt,” he said. “The
scenario has been that families that have a history of sending kids to
college will do whatever if takes, even if that means a huge amount of
debt.”
But low-income students, he said, will be less able to afford college.
Already, he said, the strains are clear.
The report, “Measuring Up 2008,” is one of the few to compare net
college costs — that is, a year’s tuition, fees, room and board, minus
financial aid — against median family income. Those findings are stark.
Last year, the net cost at a four-year public university amounted to 28
percent of the median family income, while a four-year private
university cost 76 percent of the median family income.
The share of income required to pay for college, even with financial
aid, has been growing especially fast for lower-income families, the
report found.
Among the poorest families — those with incomes in the lowest 20
percent — the net cost of a year at a public university was 55 percent
of median income, up from 39 percent in 1999-2000. At community
colleges, long seen as a safety net, that cost was 49 percent of the
poorest families’ median income last year, up from 40 percent in
1999-2000.
The likelihood of large tuition increases next year is especially
worrying, Mr. Callan said. “Most governors’ budgets don’t come out
until January, but what we’re seeing so far is Florida talking about a
15 percent increase, Washington State talking about a 20 percent
increase, and California with a mixture of budget cuts and enrollment
cuts,” he said.
In a separate report released this week by the National Association of
State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges, the public universities
acknowledged the looming crisis, but painted a different picture.
That report emphasized that families have many higher-education
choices, from community colleges, where tuition and fees averaged about
$3,200, to private research universities, where they cost more than
$33,000.
“We think public higher education is affordable right now, but we’re
concerned that it won’t be, if the changes we’re seeing continue, and
family income doesn’t go up,” said David Shulenburger, the group’s vice
president for academic affairs and co-author of the report. “The public
conversation is very often in terms of a $35,000 price tag, but what
you get at major public research university is, for the most part,
still affordable at 6,000 bucks a year.”
While tuition has risen at public universities, his report said, that
has largely been to make up for declining state appropriations. The
report offered its own cost projections, not including room and board.
“Projecting out to 2036, tuition would go from 11 percent of the family
budget to 24 percent of the family budget, and that’s pretty huge,” Mr.
Shulenburger said. “We only looked at tuition and fees because those
are the only things we can control.”
Looking at total costs, as families must, he said, his group shared Mr.
Callan’s concerns.
Mr. Shulenburger’s report suggested that public universities explore a
variety of approaches to lower costs — distance learning, better use of
senior year in high school, perhaps even shortening college from four
years.
“There’s an awful lot of experimentation going on right now, and that
needs to go on,” he said. “If you teach a course by distance with 1,000
students, does that affect learning? Till we know the answer, it’s
difficult to control costs in ways that don’t affect quality.”
Mr. Callan, for his part, urged a reversal in states’ approach to
higher-education financing.
“When the economy is good, and state universities are somewhat better
funded, we raise tuition as little as possible,” he said. “When the
economy is bad, we raise tuition and sock it to families, when people
can least afford it. That’s exactly the opposite of what we need.”
As
economy flails, more jobs move offshore
Stamford ADVOCATE
Staff Reports
Posted: 11/23/2008 02:44:17 AM EST
Companies across the nation are scrambling to find ways to reduce costs
as the economy continues in its free-fall, and some see job outsourcing
as one way to balance their bottom lines.
The number of "higher-end" outsourcing jobs in India, such as clerical
services for lawyers, continue to increase, said attorney Raj Mahale, a
partner in the Stamford office of the Hartford-based law firm of Murtha
Cullina LLP.
"The newest trend is legal process outsourcing," said Mahale, who
specializes in business immigration law.
India continues to thrive as a center for information technology
outsourcing, he said.
"That's what put India on the map," Mahale said.
Opportunities in India for outsourcing "lower-end jobs," such as
customer representative posts at call centers for credit card
companies, are declining, however, he said.
"What we're seeing with increased competition and a lot of attrition is
people are jumping ship," Mahale said.
Shawna McAlearney, a senior editor for CIO.com, a Framingham,
Mass.-based online publication for chief information officers and
information technology professionals, said she expects outsourcing to
increase, despite president-elect Barack Obama's proposal to give tax
cuts to companies that bring jobs back to the United States.
"If you needed to save money in your budget, where would you go?" she
said. "The cost savings could be three or four times."
James Rick Stinson, president of Global Sky, a Las Vegas, Nev.-based
outsourcing sources provider, said his business has grown during the
down economy.
"How long could this go on? I don't know," he said. "A variety of
factors could contribute to this growth including the fact that we are
doing additional marketing, so we cannot attribute company growth to
the economy alone."
Global Sky Inc. cited a March 2007 study by worldwide professional
services firm KPMG stating that 42 percent of 650 surveyed companies
claim that outsourcing has benefited their companies financially.
KPMG's study also stated that 89 percent of companies that outsource
their services continue to do so, and 47 percent feel it created new
opportunities that would have been impossible otherwise.
Bob Dell Isola, a partner with KPMG's Sourcing Advisory Services, said
companies have taken a heightened interest in outsourcing and
offshoring as they try to lower costs.
"But it is still too early to identify definitive trends," he said.
"Companies are reconsidering their outsourcing strategies in order to
better manage costs and, in some cases, streamline their business
operations. Clearly, outsourcing can help here."
A company can save 50 percent or more over domestic costs once payroll,
taxes, office overhead and other expenses are factored in, Stinson
said.
"That translates into a savings of on average about $500,000 for 25
employees," he said.
The average call center worker in the Philippines earns about $300 to
400 per month, while the average call center worker in the States might
earn $2,000, Stinson said.
There is no exact count on the number of American jobs that are moved
overseas, but hundreds of thousands of people are employed in
outsourcing jobs in the Philippines and India, he said.
Outsourcing should not be seen as "lost jobs" in the United States
because it creates jobs in other parts of the world, Stinson said.
"If people were to see the impact these new jobs are having on human
beings with families, they would stop wrapping themselves in the flags
of their native country and start looking for ways to spread the
abundance globally," he said.
Outsourcing has been a strategy used for years in a variety of
industries, said Lisa Mercurio, director of the Fairfield County
Information Exchange, a unit of the Business Council of Fairfield
County.
"It has been a way for business to remain competitive so that their
clients can best be served," she said. "That being said, most companies
that haven't already pursued this strategy may be very cautious about
trying anything that unfamiliar to them - and their business - at this
time of economic uncertainty."
David Lewis, the president and founder of Stamford-based human
resources firm Operations Inc., said more firms are outsourcing their
human resources functions to his company as they reduce their staffs.
"Human resources tends to get cut regularly during a down economy," he
said, adding that he receives about 40 resumes a month from human
resources professionals. "The number of positions posted for human
resources across six different job sites has gone down 85 percent."
Not all companies that provide outsourcing services are based overseas,
as seen with the success that Stamford-based Pitney Bowes has
experienced in its mail management services.
A $6.3 billion manufacturer of postage meters and other mail products,
Pitney Bowes has benefited from companies outsourcing its mail
management and document processing services.
"In tough economic times, customers are looking to better manage their
costs, so we've seen a great uptick in that," said Keith Wyche,
president of the East Region for Pitney Bowes' Management Services.
Pitney Bowes, which has 36,000 employees worldwide, has itself
outsourced some information technology and business support functions,
according to Colette Cote, a spokeswoman for Pitney Bowes.
Seeing the financial benefits of being an outsourcing provider, Emcor
Inc., Norwalk-based global provider of mechanical and electrical
construction services, energy infrastructure and facilities services,
started providing maintenance services several years ago.
The division has become a major contributor to the operating budget of
Emcor, which recorded net income of $48.6 million for the third
quarter, a 26.9 percent increase over the same period last year.
In a slow economy, outsourcing services provide the company with a good
source of income, said Kevin Matz, executive vice president of Emcor,
adding that more companies are using its maintenance services to save
money.
"In challenging times," Matz said, "it's more important because you
ratchet up everything."
AT THE
CONNECTICUT GOVERNMENT LEVEL:
Connecticut
Holds Its Breath, Awaits Impact
DAY
By Ted Mann
Published on 9/16/2008
Connecticut public officials trained wary eyes Monday on the
developments on Wall Street, where the collapse of major financial
sector companies could have seismic effects on the state budget.
The state's ability to pay for prized projects and programs is closely
linked to its tax receipts on income and capital gains from the
wealthiest of its taxpayers, particularly those who live in Fairfield
County and work - either in Connecticut or across the state line - in
the very industry that has taken a colossal hit in the past several
days.
A decline in private fortunes for financial sector workers, lawmakers
and Gov. M. Jodi Rell acknowledged Monday, could quickly become a
public sector problem as the state prepares to craft a new biennial
budget in January - a process in which many were already expecting to
face deficits.
”As (former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan) Greenspan was speaking about
yesterday, and what we see on news reports, these incidents are not
only frankly cataclysmic in their own right,” said Rep. Kevin M.
DelGobbo, R-Naugatuck, a longtime member of the legislature's Finance,
Revenue and Bonding Committee who now sits on Appropriations, the
budget-writing committee. “You've got thousands of Connecticut
residents who probably are impacted by the announcements over the
weekend. That's a human issue and it's also an economic issue.”
”There's a substantial part of our economy - whether hedge funds or
equity market traders - whose income depends upon market conditions. We
cannot underestimate the impact of that, because we're not talking
about small dollars. We're talking about a very significant part of the
revenue stream of the state of Connecticut generated by a very small
group of people.”
But others, including Rep. Denise Merrill, D-Mansfield, the
Appropriations Committee co-chairwoman and incoming House majority
leader, believe it may be too soon to tell if the Wall Street
developments will prove devastating to the Connecticut budget.
”I just think we have to keep an eye on it,” Merrill said, but she
urged that the state not overreact to anticipated shortfalls by
launching a new round of program cuts, as Rell has suggested.
Deficit projections, including those anticipated in 2010, “play into
her fears,” Merrill said of Rell, but she noted that even in recent
months the administration has predicted the budget would fall into the
red only to wind up with surpluses on hand.
”I don't think any of us can see the future yet,” Merrill said. “And
we're funding lots of programs that are even more needed when the
economy goes bad. That's the nature of state government. We're the
safety net for a lot of people. And maybe we'll need to be even more of
a safety net in the days ahead.”
Meanwhile, Treasurer Denise L. Nappier, a Democrat, announced Monday
that Connecticut's $25 billion pension fund “remains intact,” despite
suffering a reduction in value because of its holdings, including in
Lehman Brothers.
”As long-term investors with a well-diversified portfolio, we are
well-positioned to weather this latest turbulence,” Nappier said in a
written statement. “Like the rest of the country, we are experiencing
some fall-off; however, we are faring better than many, and I remain
confident we will come out ahead over the long term.”
Connecticut's $38 million stake in Merrill Lynch has been strengthened
by its takeover by Bank of America, Nappier said.
In far more serious peril is Connecticut's stake in Lehman Brothers: an
equity stake estimated at $19 million and $33.3 million in debt.
”The outlook for these holdings has certainly been compromised due to
the bankruptcy filing; however, the ultimate value remains to be
determined,” Nappier said in her statement, but added that the amounts
“represent just 2/10ths of one percent of (the pension fund's) total
assets.”
In a statement e-mailed Monday afternoon, after Rell had held a
conference call with state commissioners, the governor's press office
said Connecticut banks remained stable but acknowledged the potentially
major challenges now facing the state economy.
”The enormity of this situation, in light of the tens of thousands of
jobs impacted and the historic Blue Chip companies involved, is
unprecedented,” the statement said. “The ramifications of these events
are breathtaking in scope.
”The Governor believes that it is critical that Congress and the
President must take action quickly to redesign the federal regulatory
structure for the financial industry.”

PUBLIC/PRIVATE INVESTMENT - JOINT
DEVELOPMENT IN A DOWNTURN
In 1996, voters approved a sales tax increase to build Paul Brown
Stadium as part of a redevelopment project and to keep the Bengals in
Cincinnati.
CINCINNATI LOCATED IN
HAMILTON COUNTY: http://www.hamiltoncountyohio.gov/hc/default.asp
Beware Of The Muni Bond Bubble: States And Cities Can Fail As Well
Investors.com
By NICOLE GELINAS
Posted 04/29/2010 06:15 PM ET
Greece and Spain both suffered S&P downgrades this week — Greece to
junk — as bondholders realized the obvious. The nations cannot raise
taxes and cut spending fast enough to pay their debt without killing
off economic recovery.
But nothing has shaken another massive debt market: American municipal
bonds.
You might think that investors would pause before pouring money into
obligations of muni debt, particularly obligations of California, New
York or Illinois. Like mid-2000s homeowners, state and local
governments spent boom years using illusory gains to justify
ever-higher spending and borrowing.
By 2008, state and local debt rose to $2.2 trillion — 49% higher, after
inflation, than in 2000. The biggest partners in profligacy also
promised more benefits to public workers in the future.
As the recession's severity became apparent, officials kept borrowing:
States have already borrowed another $15 billion for operating costs
over the past two years.
Yet gatekeepers consider municipal bonds low-risk. "We do not expect
that states will default on general-obligation debt, even under the
most stressed economic conditions," analysts at Moody's wrote in a
February 2010 report.
Higher Taxes
As for cities and towns, "we expect very few defaults in this sector
given the tools that local governments have at their disposal."
Standard and Poor's agrees.
The investment advisers and managers who allocate credit assume that
states and cities will do anything to avoid default. The assumed
incentive, of course, is their desire to borrow more. The
analysts also think that lending to state and local governments isn't
risky because they — unlike private firms — have a captive source of
funds. State and local governments can always tax their residents and
businesses more.
There's further reassurance in the law. State governments can't declare
bankruptcy to escape debt. Cities, towns and counties can file for
bankruptcy only if their state allows it, and more than half don't.
The analysts take comfort in financial engineering too. The
underwriters who help governments raise money have found creative ways
to dodge obstacles that theoretically constrain borrowing. States issue
debt through structures that depend on taxes for repayment, even as
repayment isn't an official state obligation because such a promise
would require voter approval.
Another theory is that the federal government regards the biggest
debtors "too big to fail."
Finally, observers point to the past. Between 1970 and 2000, no
investor took a loss on a state's or a city's general-obligation debt.
Even Orange County, Calif., which declared insolvency in 1994 in a
one-off meltdown, repaid its lenders with interest.
Blown Up
We've heard it before. Before 2006, conventional wisdom held that if
you wanted a risk-free investment, you couldn't do better than buy
mortgage-backed securities. Homeowners were willing and able to repay
what they owed. Struggling homeowners couldn't turn to bankruptcy.
Financial engineering provided another layer of security: Underwriters
and raters had designed airtight structures. History proved all this.
Yet investors pumped so much money into that supposedly airtight market
that they blew it apart.
To get a glimpse of the possible future of Muniworld, look to Vallejo,
Calif., about 30 miles north of San Francisco. Like many
municipalities, this city of 120,000 residents found itself hard hit by
the housing bust, with property-tax revenues falling by more than a
quarter. So Vallejo did something unprecedented. Seeing that the
real problem was that "collective bargaining agreements control the
city's labor costs," as Vallejo told the court, it petitioned a
bankruptcy judge in 2008 to throw out those agreements.
Vallejo violated the first principle of municipal-finance conventional
wisdom: that cities and towns will do anything to avoid default.
Vallejo was insolvent, true, but its managers could have done what many
of their counterparts around the nation have done: try, through
structured finance, to borrow more somehow and hope for the best.
But the benefits of paring down contractual obligations outweighed the
costs. If the court approves Vallejo's bankruptcy-exit plan this
summer, for example, the city will emerge from bankruptcy with $34
million in health-care obligations to retirees, down from $135 million.
Throughout its bankruptcy, Vallejo has not paid the full amount it owes
on its municipal bonds. (The city has one municipal bondholder, the
Union Bank of California.) What's more, it has proposed, in its exit
plan, to defer payments on its bonds, investing in infrastructure
before paying lenders in full.
Vallejo's bondholders may get off relatively easily, though, because
Vallejo stopped piling up obligations, rather than trying one mad dash
to borrow more. Vallejo didn't follow, say, Illinois' example:
borrowing in the bond markets to fund future obligations to retirees.
Vallejo knew that it had to cut future obligations — and even so, it
couldn't do it without affecting bondholders. It's easy to
imagine some future mayor convincing a bankruptcy judge that it's only
fair for bondholders, along with union members, to take big cuts in a
restructuring.
Indeed, heavily indebted governments' willingness to repay crippling
debt will depend on what's politically expedient. Today, politicians
see the advantages of borrowing more. Ten years from now, it may be
more practical for a governor to tell the public: We've borrowed too
much. We did so because clever Wall Street investors convinced our
predecessors that it was a good idea, and we shouldn't have to pay it
back.
Investors continue to assume that financial calculations would trump
political calculations — that is, that no state or city would default
because it would cut off access to credit. But a state or city that did
cut down its obligations might have an easier time getting financing,
since new bondholders would know that its finances were sustainable.
Lenders Forsaken
As municipal debt grows, the risk mounts that someday it will be
politically, economically and financially worthwhile for borrowers to
escape it. When that happens, the protections that lenders supposedly
enjoy will be meaningless. Lenders shouldn't take solace in states'
inability to access bankruptcy codes: A state could certainly stop
making payments on its debt without going into bankruptcy.
But there's always Uncle Sam, right? In relying on future bailouts,
investors are taking a gamble. When the White House rescued Chrysler
and General Motors, it forced bondholders to take bigger losses than
union members did. And as Europe's woes may be showing now, sometimes
governments are just too big to bail out.
• Gelinas, a Manhattan Institute
senior fellow, is author of "After The Fall: Saving Capitalism from
Wall Street and Washington" (Encounter Books). This article is adapted
from the spring issue of the institute's City Journal.
© 2010 Investor's Business
Daily, Inc. All rights reserved.
Hamilton
County - where Cincinnati is located:
http://www.hamiltoncountyohio.gov/hc/default.asp
Stadium Boom Deepens Municipal Woes
NYTIMES
By KEN BELSON
December 25, 2009
CINCINNATI — Years after a wave of construction brought publicly
financed stadiums costing billions of dollars to cities across the
country, taxpayers are once again being asked to reach into their
pockets.
From New Jersey to Ohio to Arizona, the stadiums were sold as a key to
redevelopment and as the only way to retain sports franchises. But the
deals that were used to persuade taxpayers to finance their
construction have in many cases backfired, the result of overly
optimistic revenue assumptions and the recession.
Nowhere is the problem more acute than in Cincinnati. In 1996, voters
in Hamilton County approved an increase of half of one percent in the
sales tax that promised to build and maintain stadiums for the Bengals
and the Reds, pay Cincinnati’s public schools and give homeowners an
annual property tax rebate. The stadiums were supposed to spur
development of the city’s dilapidated riverfront.
But sales tax receipts have fallen so fast in the last year that the
county is now scrambling to bridge a $14 million deficit in its sales
tax fund. The public schools, which deferred taking their share for
years, want their money.
The teams have not volunteered to rewrite their leases. So in the
coming weeks, the county plans to cut basic services, lower its legal
bills and drain a bond reserve fund with no plan for paying it back.

Not the former NYGiant, not the wrestler...
“Anyone
looking at this objectively knows it’s a train wreck,” said Dusty
Rhodes, the county auditor. “I told them they were making a big
mistake, but they didn’t want to hear me.”
Cincinnati is hardly alone. In Indianapolis, the Capital Improvement
Board spent 2009 trying to find $32 million to run the Lucas Oil
Stadium and convention center. In Milwaukee, a drop in sales tax
receipts may delay by several years the date for paying off the bonds
issued to build Miller Park, the home of the Brewers.
Columbus, Ohio, is considering using public money to keep the Blue
Jackets in town. Glendale, Ariz., has fought to hold the Phoenix
Coyotes to their long-term lease. In New Jersey, a ticket surcharge may
be added to help resolve a tenant-landlord dispute between the Devils
and Newark.
Mark Rosentraub, the author of the book “Major League Losers,” said
that many of the stadium deals included “revenue bombs,” with financial
traps like balloon payments on debt in later years and sweeteners like
the Hamilton County property tax rebate to win public support.
In many cases, the architects of the deals are long gone by the time
the bill comes due.
“This is one of the effects of the economic tsunami sweeping through,”
Rosentraub said of the deficits.
The 1996 proposal to build stadiums for the Bengals and the Reds had
plenty of proponents. The economy was growing, Riverfront Stadium was
outdated and the Bengals were hinting that they would move, as the
Browns had done.
The plan went awry almost from the start. The football stadium exceeded
its budget by $50 million, forcing the county to issue more bonds.
Forecasts for growth in the sales tax turned out to be too rosy. The
teams received sweetheart leases. In 2000, voters threw out the county
commissioners who cut the deal.
That year the sales tax grew 1.8 percent, the first of many years below
the 3 percent forecast. Both stadiums were originally expected to cost
$500 million combined. Yet Paul Brown Stadium alone cost $455 million
and the Great American Ballpark, the Reds’ home a few hundred yards
down the Ohio River, cost $337 million by the time it opened in 2003.
The generous deal for the Bengals has been a sore spot. The team had to
pay rent only through 2009 on its 26-year lease, and has to cover the
cost of running the stadium only for game days. Starting in 2017, the
county will reimburse the team for these costs, too. The county will
pay $8.5 million this year to keep the stadium going.
The Bengals keep revenue from naming rights, advertising, tickets,
suites and most parking. If the county wants to recoup money by taxing
tickets, concessions or parking, it needs the team’s approval.
Compared with the lucrative deals for teams in Baltimore, St. Louis and
elsewhere, the Bengals won a particularly lopsided lease.
Bob Bedinghaus, the commissioner who spearheaded the stadium project,
said as much in 2000.
“They’re an organization that’s run by lawyers, and they look for every
penny around every corner,” he told The Cincinnati Enquirer. “It’s
going to be a difficult relationship going forward for the next 30
years.”
Bedinghaus lost his re-election bid soon after. He now works as the
Bengals’ director of stadium development. Through a team spokesman,
Bedinghaus declined to be interviewed. The Bengals also declined to
comment. Several telephone and e-mail attempts to reach the Reds’
management were unsuccessful.
Hamilton County started using some of the proceeds from the sales tax
fund to jump-start construction of a redevelopment district with the
stadiums as bookends. After years of delays, cranes dot the riverfront
that will eventually include a hotel, shops and hundreds of homes.
Critics like Rhodes contend that the tax was never meant to pay for the
real estate project. But Cincinnati business leaders, eager to reverse
the flow of money to the suburbs, say the stadiums were just the
beginning of a transformation of the riverfront.
“We need to build this neighborhood so that it becomes the center of
someplace you want to go,” said Thomas L. Gabelman, the outside counsel
for the county on the riverfront development.
Gabelman said that most of the money for the $1.2 billion project comes
from federal and state grants and private financing. No more than $3
million annually comes from the sales tax fund, which brings in about
$60 million a year.
Problems persist. In 2004, Todd Portune, the commissioner who unseated
Bedinghaus, sued unsuccessfully to change the Bengals’ lease. In 2006,
the Cincinnati public schools agreed to defer their payments from the
sales tax fund for three years to help cover shortfalls.
Still, the gap between expected and actual sales taxes continues to
grow, something the county administration had been warning for years.
In August, the administrator predicted not only a $14 million shortfall
next year, but also a $94 million gap in 2014, a year after interest
payments on the stadium bonds rise 44 percent. By then, the Reds will
no longer be paying rent.
Last month, two of the three commissioners voted against cutting the
property tax rebate, fearing a voter backlash. Raising the sales tax
again was not proposed for the same reason.
“It can’t be 100 percent on the backs of taxpayers,” said Greg
Hartmann, the lone Republican commissioner. “We gave away too much to
keep the Bengals in Cincinnati. There has to be some middle ground.”
Hartmann and Portune want to introduce a tobacco tax, but lawmakers in
Columbus, the state capital, may be unwilling to approve it.
So they have ordered more cuts in basic county administrative services,
something that creates a slippery slope, said David Pepper, the
commissioner who voted against the proposal.
“It’s like the movie where the blob keeps growing and eating away at
other elements of county government,” Pepper said. “We’re beginning to
cross a line in the sand by taking money from the general fund to pay
for the stadiums. Once you put that money in jeopardy, you put the
whole county at risk.”
EBAY TO THE
RESCUE? Nope. In election 2010, Californians prefer
Governor Moonbeam II to Governor EBAY.





JERRY
BROWN REDUX
The Governator will sign items for auction, increasing their value...did
he tell some of his opponents "hasta la
vista baby?" Apparently he has done some of that...
Killing the Golden State's
golden goose
National Review
By GEORGE F. WILL
Last Updated: 7:28 AM, May 23, 2011
Posted: 11:08 PM, May 22, 2011
SACRAMENTO In 1967, five years after California be came the most
populous state, novelist Wallace Stegner said California -- en ergetic,
innovative, hedonistic -- was America, "only more so." Today, this
state's budget crisis is like the nation's, only more so. Bob Dutton is
an island of calm in the eye of the storm -- which should agitate Gov.
Jerry Brown.
Dutton came to California from Nebraska at age 19 in 1969 and now is
leader of Republicans in the state Senate. He says his caucus is
"almost like a Chamber of Commerce board of directors." Its members are
mostly from small businesses, as he is. Because they are term limited,
they can't make a career here, so they might as well follow their small
(well, smaller) government inclinations.
They have it in their power to compel Brown to confront the
public-employee unions that have gained so much power over the state's
budget. All they need to do, Dutton notes, "is just say 'no' to more
taxes." This is so because Brown needs two Republicans in each house of
the Legislature to raise taxes (actually, to reinstate for five years
some taxes and fees that will have lapsed by July 1) or to authorize a
November referendum that could reinstate them.
Brown's plan for balancing the budget is to close about half of the
deficit with already approved reductions and fund shifts and the rest
by tax hikes. Republican resistance to the taxes is explained by facts
provided by Troy Senik, writing in the Manhattan Institute's City
Journal:
"Californians already labor under sales-tax rates usually reserved for
states without income taxes (at 8.25 percent, the nation's highest) and
sharply progressive income-tax rates usually reserved for states
without sales taxes (the state's top rate is 10.55 percent, and it
doesn't allow you to deduct your federal taxes, as some states with
income taxes do)."
Those taxes are surely related to these demographic facts: Between 2000
and 2010, Los Angeles gained fewer people than in any decade since the
1890s, and Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area have the slowest
growth rates since the end of Spanish rule. For the first time since
1920, the Census didn't award California even one more congressional
seat.
California's constitution makes a balanced budget mandatory. Sort of.
For more than a decade it has been "balanced" only by creative
accounting -- a fact that should give pause to conservatives, in
Washington and elsewhere, who are eager to constitutionalize fiscal
policy by putting a balanced-budget requirement in the US Constitution.
California's is one of the world's longest constitutions -- if a
document that has been amended more than 500 times by direct democracy
can be said to truly constitute a political system. It controls much of
state spending. For example, about 40 percent of the budget is
dedicated to education. The Legislature has limited or no control over
as much as 85 percent of revenues.
Brown knew all this last year when he campaigned for governor on a
principle he articulated when running for president in 1976: "A little
vagueness goes a long way in this business." Brown is, however, a
veteran practitioner of the rhetoric of reform. A transcript from "Meet
the Press," Oct. 5, 1975:
"Mr. Will: Governor, you expressed an interesting concept of
representation when you said that you wanted to be governor of the 54
percent of the people who didn't vote last year. How do you fashion a
program for people who express no mandate?
"Gov. Brown: To stand up to the special pleaders who are encamped, I
should say encircling the state capitol, and to see through their
particular factional claims to the broad public interest."
The most muscular pleaders are the public-employee unions. In 1978,
Brown conferred on government employees the right to unionize and
bargain collectively. In 2010, their unions fueled the campaign that
restored him to the governor's office. Thus does the liberal
merry-go-round spin.
Bill Whalen, of the Hoover Institution, notes that California's four
most influential Democrats are Brown, US Sens. Dianne Feinstein and
Barbara Boxer and Rep. Nancy Pelosi, who are 73, 77, 70 and 71,
respectively: "No other state's political ruling class is as gray, a
terrific irony for youth-worshipping California."
Dutton and other relatively anonymous Republican legislators can, by
being constructively obdurate ("no"), shake the foundations of
reactionary liberalism -- the regulatory state that seemed so right in
the septuagenarians' formative years, a half-century ago.
“Oh what a tangled web
we weave, When first we practice to deceive” Thanks, Google (Sir
Walter Scott)
U.S. Inquiry Said to Focus on
California Pension Fund
NYTIMES
By MARY WILLIAMS WALSH and LOUISE STORY
January 7, 2011
Federal regulators are investigating whether California violated
securities laws and failed to provide adequate disclosure about its
giant public pension fund, according to a person with knowledge of the
investigation.
The Securities and Exchange Commission normally polices companies, but
last year it brought its first enforcement action ever against a state,
accusing New Jersey of securities fraud for misleading bond investors
about the condition of its pension fund. The commission signaled, in
its settlement with New Jersey, that it was going to look more broadly
at the pension disclosures of states and cities.
The fund, the California Public Employees’ Retirement System, known as
Calpers, lost about a quarter of its total investment portfolio during
the financial crisis, leaving the state responsible for replacing
billions of dollars each year and contributing to its huge deficit. The
question is whether California adequately disclosed in the preceding
years how risky the pension investments were and how much money it
might need to cover any shortfall.
But it is unclear whether investigators are focusing on those risks or
on possible conflicts of interest in steering investments to related
parties, the subject of a separate investigation by the attorney
general of California. S.E.C. officials declined to confirm an
investigation, citing agency rules. But the person with knowledge of
the investigation said it was among the agency’s top priorities. A
spokeswoman for Calpers, which is America’s largest pension fund with
assets of about $220 billion, said it had not been contacted by the
S.E.C. about its accounting or about financial disclosures.
“The SEC has an ongoing look at pension funds in California” because of
revelations about the use of placement agents who recommended
investment managers, said Patricia Macht, a spokeswoman for Calpers.
Along with concerns about the use of placement agents, regulators have
grown increasingly concerned about whether states may have hidden
financial weaknesses, particularly in their pension portfolios, and
whether investors who buy municipal bonds can fully appreciate the
risks. A spokesman for the California state treasurer’s office,
which is responsible for disclosures to bondholders, said “we provided
all material information about pension fund issues at all times.”
California has not defaulted on any debts and says its bonds are safe.
But the state has been grappling with big, structural budget deficits
every year, and cannot easily increase revenue because of
voter-approved tax caps. The state’s credit has been downgraded as
these financial problems have intensified, and the downgrades have in
turn lowered its bonds’ value. Had investors been able to clearly see
the pension risks, they might have steered clear of California’s debt
or demanded a higher yield.
If federal investigators are able to make a case that California misled
investors about the risk in its pension fund, it would send a powerful
signal to other public funds, which almost without exception base their
financial reporting on average annual investment returns of about 8
percent a year, something hard to defend in today’s markets, no matter
what the investment mix.
The S.E.C.’s goal is to force public pension funds to be more open, not
just about their investments but about how their risk may affect the
finances of the state. It is unlikely that the S.E.C. would impose any
penalty because that would force taxpayers to pay for wrongs they knew
nothing about. In the New Jersey case, the S.E.C. imposed no penalty
but publicized the case in hopes it would be a deterrent.
Any accusation of securities fraud could take years because public
finance is a new area for the S.E.C. and any case would rely on novel
legal theories. It would be a blow to Calpers, which has used its
institutional clout for years to promote good corporate governance and
truth in accounting. Calpers has recently pushed for boardroom reforms
at JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Apple, and BP, among others. And it
has sued Moody’s, Fitch and Standard & Poor’s, accusing them of
giving “untrue, inaccurate and unjustifiably high” ratings to
structured investment vehicles that failed in the mortgage collapse.
Its activism has served as a role model for smaller public pension
funds that have also had losses, but might not have been able to
challenge corporate governance practices on their own. But now the
tables have turned, because S.E.C. investigators hope to use Calpers as
an example in a case about of how misleading pension disclosures can
amount to securities fraud, according to the person with knowledge of
the investigation. Like most public plans, Calpers has maintained that
its accounting methods are appropriate and that it is in full
compliance.
Calpers has lately been under fire for
a big benefit increase in 1999. At that time the fund ran various
assumptions on how its investments might do. It discussed them in a
public meeting but the state did not put them into its bond prospectus,
which was the responsibility of the state treasurer, then Phil
Angelides, who also sat on the board of Calpers.
In the years after that, Calpers stepped up its investments in real
estate, riding the market up and then crashing when the housing bubble
burst. The worst case, created by Calpers’ staff, turned out to be
oddly prescient. It said the state might have to come up with $3.95
billion a year in fresh money for the pension fund by the end of 2010.
In fact, the state has to contribute $3.88 billion.
Mr. Angelides, now chairman of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission,
was not available to comment Thursday because the commission was
finishing its report.
David Crane, an aide to then Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, said last year
in legislative testimony that he found it “nothing short of
astonishing” that Calpers had “promoted the largest nonvoter-approved
debt issuance in California history” without revealing the risks or
conflicts of interest involved.
“Frankly, I’ve never seen anything like the Calpers sales document,
which makes even Goldman Sachs’s alleged nondisclosure look like
child’s play,” said Mr. Crane, who testified at a time when the S.E.C.
was suing Goldman Sachs over alleged disclosure violations in
connection with mortgage-backed securities.
Municipal Bond
Market Shudders
NYTIMES
By MARY WILLIAMS WALSH
November 12, 2010, Correction: November 13, 2010
Has the reckoning arrived for municipal bonds?
That is the question investors are asking after munis — those old
faithfuls of investing — took their biggest hit since the financial
collapse of 2008.
Concern over the increasingly strained finances of states and cities
and a growing backlog of new bonds for sale overwhelmed the market last
week. After performing so well for so long, munis and funds that invest
in them fell hard. One big muni fund, the Pimco Municipal Income Fund
II, for instance, lost 7.5 percent. The fund is still up 6.75 percent
so far this year.
While the declines were relatively small given the remarkable gains in
these bonds over the last two years, the slump was swift enough to
leave investors wondering if this was a brief setback or the start of
something worse. For months, some on Wall Street have warned that
indebted states and cities might face a crisis akin to the one that
brought Greece to its knees.
“I think it’s too early to say that it’s more than a correction,” said
Richard A. Ciccarone, the chief research officer of McDonnell
Investment Management.
“The facts just don’t support a serious conclusion that the whole
market’s going downhill,” he said. “They could. We’ve got some serious
liabilities out there.”
The causes of the week’s big decline are clouded by unusual factors
like the looming end of the Build America Bonds program, which has
prompted local governments to race new bonds to market before an
attractive federal subsidy is reduced.
But the big question confronting this market is how state and local
governments will manage their debts. Many are staggering under huge
pension and health care obligations that seem unsustainable.
Certainties are impossible because governments do not have to disclose
the pension payouts they will have to make in the coming years, as they
do for bond payouts.
California, for example, will have to sell nearly $14 billion of debt
into the falling market this month, because of its record delay in
getting a budget signed this year. The warnings keep coming. On Friday,
Fitch, the credit ratings agency, issued a report saying that ratings
downgrades for municipal bonds outnumbered upgrades for the seventh
consecutive quarter.
And a few prominent defaults have made the market jittery.
“This is what happens with our market now, with these fears of a
systemic credit crisis,” said Matt Fabian, managing director at
Municipal Market Advisors. “Any weakness is related to fears of
default.”
Standard & Poor’s, meanwhile, issued a report last Monday observing
that even troubled cities like Detroit were still able to bring debt to
market at what the rating agency considered favorable rates. It said
most government officials seemed determined to honor their general
obligations.
Analysts like Mr. Ciccarone said much of the decline was concentrated
among longer-maturity bonds and bonds with lower credit ratings. Their
values fell more sharply as investors watched the Federal Reserve
buying hundreds of billions of dollars of Treasury bonds and concluded
the Fed’s move would be inflationary over the longer term. That made
some investors less willing to hold long-term municipal bonds, so the
prices of the bonds fell.
Until two weeks ago, the municipal bond markets had been frothy, thanks
in part to the intensifying interest of wealthy individuals in
tax-sheltered investments as the sunset date on the Bush
administration’s tax cuts looms. People seek a tax shelter like
municipal bonds because the interest is usually not taxed, and the
bonds are considered very safe.
This year, however, tax-exempt municipal bonds have been harder than
usual to find, because the governments that normally issue them have
switched over to taxable bonds.
So investors were bidding up the prices. Mr. Fabian said that had fed
into the prices of all of the municipal bonds held by mutual funds,
which are assigned a value each day on the basis of a model because
they may not trade.
The reason for scarcity of tax-exempt bonds has been, in part, the
Build America Bonds program, created as part of the fiscal stimulus
program. That federally subsidized program is scheduled to expire at
the end of this year, so states and cities have been rushing to take
advantage of it.
Yet the values of tax-exempt munis fell, defying those who said it was
all a matter of supply and demand. The last week also brought some
large tax-exempt bond issues, including one by a public authority in
Massachusetts for Harvard University, which was reduced because of poor
investor demand.
Mr. Fabian said the downdraft could continue next week.
“The risk is that you don’t know,” he said.
“You have an awful lot of money, including from households, that simply
follows momentum.”

One way to
save money? Oops, CT already does this!
Governor looking at part-time
Legislature
Carla Marinucci, Chronicle Political Writer
Thursday, August 20, 2009
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, after months of budget battles with the
Legislature, met Wednesday with a reform group calling for a part-time
state Legislature in a sign of his interest in efforts to reshape
Sacramento's political landscape.
The governor sat down for the first time with Gabriella Holt, who heads
Citizens for California Reform, a nonpartisan public interest group
that describes itself as "committed to advancing more limited and more
transparent government."
Holt's reform organization has received the required title and summary
for the "Citizen Legislature Act" and has 150 days to collect nearly
700,000 signatures for the measure - which it says could be on the
ballot by November 2010.
The reform group is among a growing crowd currently at work on ideas to
redraw the way government works in the state Capitol - including the
Bay Area Council and Repair California, which are holding events this
week to discuss a proposed state constitutional convention.
Adam Mendelsohn, a senior adviser to Schwarzenegger, said that the
Republican governor has not endorsed a part-time Legislature but
considers it to be one answer to the state's political gridlock, annual
budget impasses and partisan dysfunction.
"The governor has been very clear that this state is in desperate need
of reform," Mendelsohn said. "This is one of the many ideas he's taking
a look at. He's talked about a constitutional convention, he's involved
in an open primary and we're talking campaign finance reform."
California is one of six states with full-time legislatures. The
proposed initiative, which would be effective in December 2012, calls
for a 90-day legislative session annually - convening the first Monday
of January for 30 days and again the first Monday in May for 60 days.
The measure would end the full-time legislative body that has been in
place since 1966, after then-Speaker Jesse Unruh said the state's huge
and complex business and policy matters required more attention.
Mark Baldassare, head of the Public Policy Institute of California,
said a part-time Legislature may resonate with state voters, 80 percent
of whom disapprove of how the Assembly and Senate, each controlled by
Democrats, are working, recent polls show.
"The public is in a very angry mood about state government, in
particular the Legislature," said Baldassare. "So anything that comes
with making life harder for the Legislature comes with public support -
because they're frustrated with the lack of action on things they think
are important."
With little more than a year until the 2010 gubernatorial election,
Schwarzenegger's interest in such reform measures reflects his concern
about legacy and his own public support, he said.
"The governor came in wanting to do a variety of fiscal and legislative
reforms and couldn't get the Legislature to work with him," Baldassare
said. "It's unfinished work, so he will study any and all reform
proposals - and embrace those that fit."
E-mail Carla Marinucci at cmarinucci@sfchronicle.com.
California
Reaches Budget Deal, With
Billions Cut
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
July 21, 2009
LOS ANGELES — California lawmakers, their state broke and its credit
rating shot, finally sealed the deal with the governor Monday night on
a plan to close a $26 billion budget gap.
The plan, which is certain to be viewed with trepidation among
legislatures across the country also facing huge budget gaps,
distributes pain through nearly every aspect of government services.
While the Legislature pushed back on Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s
proposal to eliminate health care programs for children and the state’s
generous welfare program, both took large cuts. So did public
education, universities and local governments.
All told, the deal contains $15.6 billion in cuts, about $2.1 billion
in borrowing, $3.9 billion in new revenues and about $2.7 billion in
accounting maneuvers like shifting a payday into the next fiscal year,
which Mr. Schwarzenegger had claimed he would not brook.
Under the new budget, which runs through the 2010 fiscal year,
localities will basically serve as unwilling lending agents to the
state. It will raid their coffers and repay them over time as the
state’s fiscal situation improves.
“I would characterize this budget as shared pain and shared sacrifice,”
Karen Bass, the speaker of the California Assembly, said in a telephone
interview from Sacramento.
Last February, lawmakers signed off on a budget deal with $14.8 billion
in spending cuts, $12.5 billion in tax increases and $5.4 billion in
new borrowing, along with the creation of a $1 billion reserve fund.
But that budget depended on a nod from voters on several ballot
measures. All failed.
With the deficit continuing to grow, the state was forced to issue
millions of dollars in i.o.u.’s to vendors and taxpayers in lieu of
payment.
After weeks of often-cantankerous negotiations, state officials have
come up with a compromise that few who receive government services will
celebrate. While the state’s health insurance program for children,
Healthy Families, remains, it was cut by $144 million, meaning
thousands of children will probably be on a waiting list for the
program unless a private foundation makes up the balance, as the
Democratic-controlled Legislature hopes.
In-home services for the elderly and infirm were reduced by several
million dollars, and Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, achieved his
goal of having caregivers and the recipients fingerprinted in the
future with the goal of preventing fraud. While the governor wanted
certain welfare benefits to be reduced from a five-year period to two
years, the program was instead given an overall cut of $500 million.
Local governments will lose millions of dollars that are used to build
housing, among other purposes, and the state plans to borrow roughly $2
billion in property taxes from localities, which would have to be
repaid within three years. Lawmakers believe that cities and counties
could in turn borrow against that borrowing; localities bankrupt or
nearly so would be exempt.
One of the biggest sticking points was over the $11 billion already cut
from public schools. The budget deal calls for roughly $650 million
more in cuts.
Under California law, though, the state is on the hook to pay that
money back, something it has not done in the past. So lawmakers have
written legislation guaranteeing that the money goes back to schools.
The governor had faced strong criticism from the state’s teachers’
union.
“We accomplished a lot,” Mr. Schwarzenegger said after the agreement
was reached. “We made government more efficient and also we’re cutting
waste, fraud and abuse.”
The governor also said, on his Twitter feed: “We’ll actually be having
a CA Garage Sale at the end of Aug to auction cars and office
supplies.” He will sign some of the items to increase their value.
As deficit grows, Calif. prepares to issue
IOUs
DAY
By SAMANTHA YOUNG, Associated Press Writer
Posted on Jul 2, 7:56 AM EDT
SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) -- California's controller will start paying
many of the state's bills with IOUs as soon as Thursday after lawmakers
failed to close the state's worsening budget deficit, adding a new
measure of indignity to a state sinking deeper into dysfunction.
Lawmakers' failure to act on Tuesday, the end of the fiscal year, also
widened California's deficit from what already had been a whopping
$24.3 billion - more than a quarter of its general fund.
The failure to balance the state's main checkbook and the looming IOUs
prompted Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger on Wednesday to declare a fiscal
state of emergency.
Under the declaration, state offices will be closed three days a month
to conserve cash. If the Legislature fails to solve the deficit within
45 days, it cannot adjourn or act on other bills until the crisis is
resolved. The partial government shutdown also will lead to a
third furlough day for 235,000 state employees, bringing their total
pay cut this year to about 14 percent.
"California needed the Legislature to act boldly and with conviction.
Their response was not a solution to California's budget problem but an
invitation to actually a bigger financial crisis," Schwarzenegger told
reporters Wednesday.
On Tuesday, as the previous fiscal year was drawing to a close, the
Senate rejected three bills designed to save $5 billion, including $3.3
billion in education funding cuts that had to be enacted. Passing those
bills would have given the Legislature time to work out a broader
solution to the deficit and delayed the need for IOUs. Instead,
the budget shortfall is set to grow even wider because of California's
complicated school funding formula, meaning the state will not have
enough money to pay all its bills.
State Controller John Chiang said his office is prepared to issue IOUs
totaling $3.3 billion in July. Senate Minority Leader Dennis
Hollingsworth said neither he nor his Republican colleagues wanted to
see California resort to IOUs to pay its bills, but he said Democrats
had refused to make sufficient spending cuts to solve the shortfall.
"It's unfortunate that we're at this point," said Hollingsworth, a
Republican.
It will be the first time since 1992 that California will have issued
IOUs. The move is almost certain to further damage the state's credit
rating, already the lowest of any state, saddling taxpayers with
billions of dollars in higher interest payments on bonds that have yet
to be sold. Issuing IOUs - formally referred to as individual
registered warrants - also will have real-world consequences for those
on the receiving end. Small businesses that rely on state contracts
will be most affected.
"It really doesn't affect the million-dollar companies. It's the
smaller ones that will get hit," said Paul Nguyen, director of Care Now
Staffing, a Southern California company that employs a dozen medical
professionals.
The IOUs also will be sent to California counties, which now must find
other ways to fund a wide array of social programs, ranging from
alcohol abuse and mental health treatment to services for the elderly
and disabled. California's universities were evaluating ways to assist
students whose grants will not be funded to pay education
expenses. It was unclear whether some of California's largest
banks will accept the state's IOUs as payment. They would be paid back,
with interest, but the state's precarious financial condition and
legislative gridlock might be making some bankers nervous.
Bank
of America (note: we are linking to CNBC interview with Sec'y
Geithner - Bank of America is one of the banks "in trouble") announced
Wednesday it would cash the IOUs for its customers through July 10,
bank spokeswoman Colleen Haggerty said. Schwarzenegger and state
officials asked other banks to do the same, noting that California has
never defaulted.
"We will make those payments," he said. "We are responsible."
In a Crisis, Rethinking Fiscal Federalism
NYTIMES
By Harold Pollack* AND Ed Kilgore
June
29, 2009, 7:15 am
The Los Angeles Unified School District will cancel most summer
programs this year because of California’s budget woes. The state’s
entire welfare-to-work system may also be on the chopping block, cuts
that could deny health coverage to 900,000 children.
Although California’s budget woes and political hijinks hit the front
page, that state is not alone.
The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities reports that 47 states are
projecting deficits, whose total may approach $200 billion. Illinois
legislators, for example, are searching for some alternative between a
July 1 “doomsday budget” containing deep service cuts and a 67 percent
income tax increase.
Media accounts present each state’s difficulties in light of its
distinctive politics and economic circumstances: the budget-crippling
ballot initiatives in California, the culture of corruption in
Illinois, the liberal health policies of Massachusetts.
It’s fun to ponder the local flora and fauna, but the real problems lie
underneath: the frayed partnership between states and the federal
government.
States and localities are the invisible — if not always silent —
partners in national domestic government. Together or separately, they
administer and partially finance almost every public service. America
faces critical decisions about health care, the environment,
transportation, No Child Left Behind. It’s impossible to tackle any of
these large national priorities without considering how reforms would
be put in place in state capitols, county commissions and city halls.
The basics of American federalism are often forgotten in Washington,
most recently during the stimulus debate, when Republicans and some
centrist Democrats railed against “excessive” funds provided to state
and local governments to avoid cutbacks and layoffs.
These basics may be forgotten again in the wake of California’s fiscal
meltdown, which has generated self-righteous clucking about that
state’s irresponsibility, with little reflection about the basic
services for 12 percent of the American population now at risk.
There has been less reflection about how changing realities of public
finance are undermining traditional roles of local, state and federal
government.
Take health care, for example.
States and localities are intimately involved in delivering, financing,
administering and monitoring health services, and are responsible for
wide national variations in access and quality. Serious health care
reform at the federal level must address two intertwined realities:
First, Medicaid is killing state and local budgets. Second, legally and
fiscally constrained states lack the capacity and administrative tools
to spend health care monies well.
Adjusted for inflation, state and local health expenditures have more
than tripled since 1980 and continue to grow. The ranks of the
uninsured have swelled, and include increasing numbers of immigrants
and Americans with costly needs.
Local safety-net providers traditionally bear much of the resulting
burden. It is not surprising, then, that states and localities are
groaning under the load, or that they are cutting services at precisely
the moment of greatest need, when elementary macroeconomics suggests
that service cutbacks most harm the overall economy.
Other policy domains yield similar stories.
Many states are far ahead of Washington in limiting carbon emissions.
States and localities hold 91 percent of jail and prison inmates, while
state and local police officers vastly outnumber their federal peers.
States and localities spend the lion’s share of public funds expended
for education as well.
In these areas and more, effective policy requires much more careful
attention to the capacities, preferences and interests of state and
local governments. They are where the rubber meets the road in setting
public policies.
Although current circumstances may require increased federal support
for states and localities, the times also demand serious measures to
ensure that states and localities don’t abuse or waste federal funds,
or simply reduce their own efforts.
Similarly, while states could use more flexible federal funding to
respond to local circumstances, states’ resistance to federal mandates
is sometimes disingenuous, particularly when these mandates serve
crucial priorities, like homeland security, or when mandates protect
readily-marginalized groups, like measures to promote fair elections
and civil rights.
Americans don’t need another gauzy ideological debate over federalism
and states’ rights. But we do need to pay greater attention to
realities of federalism when setting national policy.
Thus, federal budget debates should expand to include the national
budget, the sum total of spending, taxes and policies that implement
and finance national governance. At a minimum, the Office of Management
and Budget and the Congressional Budget Office should routinely
scrutinize the financial impact of proposed federal policies on every
level of government.
We should also scrutinize the division of roles and resources across
different levels of government. The road maps of 1933 (when the first
New Deal was put in place) or 1965 (when Medicare and Medicaid were
signed into law) may no longer apply. Some tasks, such as long-term
care, are now so costly that they require greater federal resources.
Others, like regional planning, require greater state and local
authority.
The likely bailout of California provides unwelcome opportunities to
realign these competing roles. It provides a timely reminder: Americans
live in towns, cities, counties, and states, not just the United States
of America.
-------------
*
Harold
Pollack researches public health
at the University of Chicago School of Social Service Administration,
where he is faculty chair of the Center for Health Administration
Studies. Ed Kilgore is managing editor of The Democratic Strategist. He
was previously vice president for policy at the Democratic Leadership
Council and a federal-state relations liaison for three governors of
Georgia, and served as communications director and legislative counsel
for United States Senator Sam Nunn.
Calif. Legislature Begins Debate Over
Budget Fix
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 3:43 p.m. ET
June 24, 2009
SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) -- Lawmakers have begun a sharp debate about a
Democratic plan to close California's projected $24 billion deficit but
a quick resolution seems unlikely.
The plan being debated Wednesday in the Assembly and Senate appears to
have insufficient support from Republicans. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger
has criticized the plan's higher taxes on oil drilling, tobacco
products and vehicle licensing.
State Controller John Chiang said he would begin issuing IOUs to
thousands of state contractors as soon as next week. He said that
without a balanced budget, the state would be $2.8 billion in the red
at the end of July, the first month of its new fiscal year.
California to Pay Creditors With
I.O.U.’s
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
June 25, 2009
LOS ANGELES — Signaling that California is slipping deeper into
financial crisis, the state’s controller said Wednesday that his office
would soon be forced to issue i.o.u.’s to scores of the state’s
creditors, the first time since 1992, when 100,000 state employees were
paid with them.
Before that budget crisis — which pales in comparison to the current
shortfall, even with inflation adjustments — the last time California
issued the documents was during the Depression, something the
controller, John Chiang, alluded to in his news release announcing the
impending action.
“Next Wednesday we start a fiscal year with a massively unbalanced
spending plan and a cash shortfall not seen since the Great
Depression,” Mr. Chiang said in a written statement. “The State’s $2.8
billion cash shortage in July grows to $6.5 billion in September, and
after that we see a double-digit freefall. Unfortunately, the State’s
inability to balance its checkbook will now mean short-changing
taxpayers, local governments and small businesses.”
The issuing of the i.o.u.’s would reflect the state’s lack of cash flow
and its legislature’s inability to agree on a way to close a roughly
$24 billion budget gap, as tax revenues have continued to fall in the
state. On Wednesday, as Mr. Chiang made his announcement, legislators
continued to debate ways to close the gap in preparing for a vote on a
budget presented by Democrats that was all but certain to fail on the
floor.
Democrats want to close the gap with a mix of vast cuts to social
programs and an increase to cigarette, oil drilling and car taxes; Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, has vowed to veto any and all tax
hikes, and his party’s lawmakers agree with him.
In February, lawmakers passed a budget for both 2009 and 2010, but the
legislation, which covered 17 months’ worth of spending, was dependent
on the passage of several ballot propositions that that were rejected
by California voters in May. As a result, the state’s budget gap
expanded.
In response, Governor Schwarzenegger has proposed $16 billion in cuts.
Those cuts would largely be carried out through the state’s programs
for the poor: the Healthy Family Program, the health insurance program
that covers more than 900,000 children; the main welfare program, known
as CalWorks, which provides temporary financial assistance to poor
families; and Cal Grants, a college financial aid program. He also
wants to borrow millions from local governments and release some
prisoners early to save money.
Republican lawmakers are more or less on board with the governor other
than the plan to borrow from localities and release prisoners or lay
off any corrections officers.
“The consequences of inaction just shot up dramatically,” said H. D.
Palmer, the spokesman for the state’s Department of Finance, in an
e-mail message. “This underscores just how serious this situation is,
and why it’s absolutely critical for the Legislature to get a budget
package to the Governor in a form that he can sign — and do it in a
matter of days.”
If all sides cannot come to an agreement by July 2, millions of dollars
in the unusual i.o.u’s will be issued, including $159 million to the
Student Aid Department and hundreds of millions to social services
agencies across the state.
The controller delayed payments for 30 days in February to manage a
cash crisis at that time, but i.o.u.’s represent a far larger shortfall
that would likely be impossible to cover with simple delays. An attempt
to borrow money to cover the shortfalls, which is usually done as the
legislature bickers its ways to a budget this time of year, was
impossible this June because the banks that usually make such loans are
unable to do so, and the Obama administration refused a request to back
loans as well.
According to the controller’s news release, the i.o.u’s will carry an
interest rate set by the state’s Pooled Money Investment Board, which
will hold an emergency meeting at his request on July 2 to set the
rate. Any rate adoption would become effective immediately; the i.o.u’s
will have a maturity date of Oct. 1, 2009.
In 1992, Gov. Pete Wilson, a Republican, issued the i.o.u.’s to state
workers; the workers immediately brought a lawsuit, contending that the
i.o.u.’s violated the federal Fair Labor Standards Act. A federal judge
approved a $558 million settlement, and some workers received
additional vacation time.
Political Memo: Deep Cuts Could
Reshape California
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
May 31, 2009
LOS
ANGELES — Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger did not get the election results
he sought. Now he seems determined to show California voters the
consequences.
In a special election on May 19, voters rejected a batch of measures on
increasing taxes, borrowing funds and reapportioning state money that
were designed to close a multibillion-dollar budget gap. The cuts Mr.
Schwarzenegger has proposed to make up the difference, if enacted by
the Legislature, would turn California into a place that in some ways
would be unrecognizable in modern America: poor children would have no
health insurance, prisoners would be released by the thousands and
state parks would be closed.
Nearly all of the billions of dollars in cuts the administration has
proposed would affect programs for poor Californians, although prisons
and schools would take hits, as well.
“Government doesn’t provide services to rich people,” Mike Genest, the
state’s finance director, said on a conference call with reporters on
Friday. “It doesn’t even really provide services to the middle class.”
He added: “You have to cut where the money is.”
In less than two weeks, the administration has gone from warning
residents that a vote against the budget measures would send the state
— some $24 billion in the red — into utter turmoil to sanguine
acceptance that “the people have spoken” and that the government must
move on.
And so it is that administration officials have been sent off to talk
to the Legislature and hold conference calls about the latest proposed
blows to state programs, while Mr. Schwarzenegger largely tends to
other aspects of governing. He was in Livermore on Friday dedicating
the world’s largest laser system (for sustaining nuclear fusion), and
has updated his Twitter feed. “Backstage at the Tonight Show,” one
tweet said.
The measures proposed by the administration to balance the budget,
including the $2.8 billion in cuts outlined on Friday, are unlike any
proposed to the state’s social services in a generation.
Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, is threatening to eliminate the
Healthy Family Program, the state’s health insurance program that
covers over 900,000 children and is financed with state and federal
money, as well as the state’s main welfare program, known as Cal-Works,
which provides temporary financial assistance to poor families and a
caregiver for the severely disabled.
The $1 billion in cuts to programs for the poor would be met with $680
million in new cuts to education and a 5 percent salary reduction for
state employees, many of whom are already enduring furloughs.
These proposals, as well as those that would make cuts to state parks,
the prison system and other state agencies, are winding their way
through Sacramento now, where they will be voted on by committees and
eventually the full Legislature.
Some of the proposed cuts are clearly saber rattling on the governor’s
part, but there is a nervous acceptance among lawmakers, advocates for
the poor and outside budget experts that the state is out of money and
time.
If lawmakers sign off on closing the health insurance program for
children whose families make too much to qualify for Medicaid,
California would be the first state in the nation to close the popular
program. Begun in 1997, the program, known as S-CHIP, reimburses states
at a higher rate than for Medicaid to deliver health insurance to
children and teenagers. With the cuts to Medicaid, the state would
probably increase its number of uninsured people by nearly 2 million,
the California Budget Project says.
“As the nation is debating how to move forward to provide broader
health care coverage,” said Diane Rowland, the executive vice president
of the Kaiser Family Foundation, “for a state to be scaling back
coverage for children would be a major challenge. This program means a
lot to working families. It is well run and well liked by people on
both sides of the aisle.”
Further, the governor has gone after some spending not covered by
mandates enacted by voters through ballot measures, a quirk of
California budgeting that has helped create the mess the state is in.
“Certainly the programs that were targeted are not protected by the
California Constitution or required by federal law,” said Jean Ross,
the executive director of the California Budget Project, a left-leaning
policy organization that analyzes the budget.
The Democratic-controlled Legislature has been uncharacteristically
silent on most of the cuts, most likely because lawmakers know that tax
increases are not politically palatable, that huge cuts in some form
are in the offing no matter what, and that any program they wish to
spare will quite likely have advocates among their ranks.
“There is no drawing lines in the sand,” said Alicia Trost, the
spokeswoman for State Senator Darrell Steinberg, a Democrat and
president pro tem. “Everyone knows we’re the majority, and we all know
where we stand.”
California, a Broke State, Reels as
Voters Rebuff Leaders
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
May 21, 2009
LOS ANGELES — Direct democracy has once again upended California —
enough so that the state may finally consider another way by
overhauling its Constitution for the first time in 130 years.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger returned home from a White House visit on
Wednesday to find the state dangerously broke, his constituents defiant
after a special election on Tuesday and calls for a constitutional
convention — six months ago little more than a wonkish whisper — a
cacophony.
As the notion of California as ungovernable grows stronger than ever,
Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, has expressed support for a
convention to address such things as the state’s arcane budget
requirements and its process for proliferate ballot initiatives, both
of which necessitated Tuesday’s statewide vote on budget matters
approved months ago by state lawmakers.
“There could not be more of a tipping point,” said Jim Wunderman, chief
executive of the Bay Area Council, a business group that moved forward
on Wednesday with plans to push for a constitutional convention. “We
think the interest is going to grow by orders of magnitude now.”
More immediately, Mr. Schwarzenegger met with legislative leaders to
begin the painful process of slashing state spending after voters
rejected five ballot measures intended to balance the budget through a
mix of tax increases, borrowing and the reallocation of state money.
The only ballot measure to succeed was one that prevented lawmakers and
constitutional officers from getting raises in times of fiscal
distress, a sort of chin-out electoral scowl by voters, who will now
probably see their health care systems, schools and other services
erode. On Friday, the state controller, John Chiang, and the treasurer,
Bill Lockyer, are expected to appear before lawmakers and warn them
that the state is nearly unable to pay its bills.
With the special-election results in, the California Citizens
Compensation Commission moved Wednesday to impose an 18 percent pay cut
for all elected officials, while the Bay Area Council began its
campaign to rewrite the Constitution to address some of its more
crippling rules and give more financial control to localities.
The constitutional effort was immediately embraced by the San Francisco
mayor, Gavin Newsom, a Democrat who is a 2010 candidate for governor,
and some political experts suggested that the movement might be
perfectly timed.
“The majority of Californians say the state is headed in the wrong
direction,” said Mark Baldassare, the president of the Public Policy
Institute of California, a nonpartisan polling organization. In a March
poll of 2,004 residents, two-thirds said the Constitution should be
altered, Mr. Baldassare said.
“I think that we could be at a crossroads here, “ Mr. Baldassare said.
“People in California don’t feel they have the government we need in
the 21st century.”
The last time California held a constitutional convention was in
1878-79 when the state’s founding constitution was rewritten, though a
state commission made revisions to the document in the 1960s and 1970s.
Such a convention would have to be done, of course, through a ballot
initiative.
In the meantime, the unpleasant exercise of renegotiating the state
budget — the third time this fiscal year — must be done by June 30 in
order to realize the full value of any cuts.
Facing a $21.3 billion budget deficit, Mr. Schwarzenegger is requesting
a $6 billion loan from the federal government, and has proposed a
variety of politically unpalatable cuts, including commuting prisoners’
sentences, taking away health insurance from some poor children,
reducing aid to community colleges and eliminating a large chunk of
financing for shelters that serve children and women who have been
abused.
The Legislature, controlled by Democrats, will hold public hearings on
the governor’s proposals next week and come up with its own
suggestions, which would probably affect fewer vulnerable residents and
avoid jeopardizing the loss of federal education and health care money
that requires a state match.
While California has suffered the same fate as much of the nation —
high unemployment, large numbers of foreclosures, general economic
sluggishness — its budget woes are greatly exacerbated by its odd and
in many ways outmoded way of doing business.
The ballot initiative process — in which legislators or independent
groups ask voters to mandate how the state’s money is spent or not
spent — has become at times an exercise in fiscal self defeat, with
voters moving to earmark money for one special program one year, only
to contemplate undoing their own will a few elections later.
The state’s legislative districts are highly gerrymandered, leaving the
Legislature influenced by the political fringe of both parties and
unable to agree on practical budget matters or much else. State
senators represent roughly a million people each, larger than most
Congressional districts, leaving them out of touch with local needs.
Further, the state is one of only three requiring a two-thirds majority
vote in the Legislature on taxes and budgets, which leads to partisan
fighting and long delays.
All of this came into play in the special election on Tuesday.
“There was a both-sides-against-the-middle aspect,” said Bruce Cain, a
political scientist at the University of California, Berkeley,
“reflecting the wide differences between Democrats and Republicans on
the budget; a general disgust with the Legislature and the governor;
ballot fatigue; and weariness with voting for yet another budgetary
patch.”
California passed a budget in February contingent on the ballot
measures’ winning approval. Even before Tuesday’s vote, the state was
$5.8 billion newly in the hole because revenues had continued to
plummet over the spring. Institutions that rely on state money have
already begun to adjust in ways large and small.
The Los Angeles Superior Court will now close once a month. Dental care
at Feather River Hospital in Paradise, near Sacramento, will cease on
July 1. The Santa Clarita fireworks show this Fourth of July will be 10
minutes shorter.
“The state funds 94 domestic violence emergency shelter programs,” said
Nicole Shellcroft, a former director of a targeted shelter in the
Antelope Valley. “With this cut, the majority of them disappear.”
When he took
office six years ago, Mr. Schwarzenegger promised to bring badly needed
systemic change to state government. Though he has not delivered on
that promise, he has laid more groundwork for it than his predecessors.
He persuaded voters to let an independent panel redraw the legislative
districts, which may well erode the partisan chokehold many candidates
have had on parts of the state.
Also, if his
ballot proposal to conduct open primaries in the state prevails at the
polls next year, political change in Sacramento could be profound.
Calif. Voters Reject Measures to Keep
State Solvent
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
May 20, 2009
LOS ANGELES — A smattering of
California voters on Tuesday soundly rejected five ballot measures
designed to keep the state solvent through the rest of the year.
The results dealt a severe setback to the state’s fragile fiscal
structure and to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and the state legislators
who cobbled together the measures as part of a last-minute budget deal
passed in February.
The measures, which would have prolonged tax increases, capped state
spending, earmarked money for education and involved the state in a
complex borrowing scheme against its lottery, were rejected by roughly
60 percent of those who voted. The failure of the measures, combined
with falling revenues since the state passed its budget, leaves
California with a $21 billion new hole to fill, while foreclosure rates
and unemployment remain vexing problems here.
“Tonight we have heard from the voters, and I respect the will of the
people who are frustrated with the dysfunction in our budget system,”
Governor. Schwarzenegger said in a prepared statement. “Now we must
move forward from this point to begin to address our fiscal crisis with
constructive solutions,” Mr. Schwarzenegger said.
While the governor was a strong supporter of all the measures, he was
not the public face of the effort, as he was in 2005 when he took on
the budget issues, and well as the state’s unions, in another failed
effort at the ballot box. This time the Republican governor let
teachers and firefighters do his talking for him in advertisements, and
indeed was not even in the state the day of the vote.
Instead, he was a guest of President Barack Obama at the White House,
where the president was announcing tough new federal standards on
automobile emissions that emulate California’s environmental standards.
He updated his Twitter account through out the day ("Just landed in DC.
Look forward to updating you tomorrow, hopefully with pictures or
video") but made nary a mention of the propositions there.
The
one measure to pass, which would prevent legislators and statewide
constitutional officers, including the governor, from receiving pay
rises in years when the state is running a deficit, was approved by
more than 75 percent of those who cast ballots, demonstrating the
overwhelming disgust many Californians say in polls that they feel
toward elected officials in a time of deep budget paralysis.
The central measure, Proposition 1A, would have increased the state’s
rainy-day fund but also restrict spending in future years, and extend
several temporary taxes. Proposition 1B, which was connected to 1A,
would have required $9.3 billion to be paid to education to make up for
shortfalls in spending levels set by a voter-approved proposition in
1988. Voters indicated in polls earlier this month that they had a
distaste for protracted taxes, caps on spending during inflation
periods and general legislative and gubernatorial will.
The other failing propositions were 1E, which would have redirected
money guaranteed for mental health services to the state’s general
fund; 1D, a similar measure using money earmarked for early childhood
programs; and 1C, which would have modernized the state lottery and
permitted the state to borrow from future profits.
But voters — roughly 10 percent of those registered, according to
midday figures — seemed to have lost patience with ideas cooked up by
legislators to fix the state’s perpetual budget imbalances. The
governor and lawmakers will now be forced to debate yet again what
methods will be used to set the balance sheet right and vote on new
measures to cut spending. Those proposed measures will be draconian and
politically difficult, including large education cuts and reductions in
prison sentences.
“We face a staggering $21.3 billion deficit and in order to prevent a
fiscal disaster, Democrats and Republicans must collaborate and work
together to address this shortfall,” said Governor Schwarzenegger. “The
longer we wait the worse the problem becomes and the more limited our
choices will be.”
Lawmakers will regroup in Sacramento on Wednesday.
Bill Watkins, an economist with University of California in Santa
Barbara, said legislators “have some interesting decisions to make
now,” adding: “Education is definitely going to take a hit. The way we
finance local governments is a travesty and funds will be taken away
this time.”
After
Wrangling, California Senate Passes Budget
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 9:14 a.m. ET
February 19, 2009
SACRAMENTO (AP) -- The state Senate approved a long-awaited budget
package early Thursday intended to wipe out a $42 billion deficit,
possibly steering the state clear of a fiscal disaster.
Leaders were able to secure the final vote needed from a moderate
Republican in late-night negotiations by agreeing to his demands for
election changes, government reform and removal of a gas tax increase,
giving them the two-thirds vote needed to pass the package, 27-12.
The budget awaited approval from the state Assembly, which had been
expected to approve previous budget deals this week but has yet to
weigh in on the late changes. The Assembly was set to take up the bill
immediately.
The Senate vote was a giant step toward bringing the drawn-out budget
battle to a close after leaders agreed to ask voters to revise the
state's constitution to allow open primaries for legislative,
congressional and gubernatorial elections in order to win Sen. Abel
Maldonado's support.
Leaders also met Maldonado's demands to remove a provision to increase
the gas tax, freeze legislators' salaries in deficit budget years and
to eliminate new office furniture budgeted for the state controller.
California
Struggles to Close a
Projected $41 Billion Deficit
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
February 17, 2009
LOS ANGELES — The state of California — its deficits ballooning, its
lawmakers intransigent and its governor apparently free of allies or
influence — appears headed off the fiscal rails.
Since the fall, when lawmakers began trying to attack the gaps in the
$143 billion budget that their earlier plan had not addressed, the
state has fallen into deeper financial straits, with more bad news
coming daily from Sacramento. The state, nearly out of cash, has laid
off scores of workers and put hundreds more on unpaid furloughs. It has
stopped paying counties and issuing income tax refunds and halted
thousands of infrastructure projects.
After negotiating nonstop from Saturday afternoon until late Sunday
night on a series of budget bills that would have closed a projected
$41 billion deficit, state lawmakers failed to get enough votes to
close the deal and adjourned. They returned to the capital late Monday
morning only to adjourn until the afternoon, though it was far from
clear whether they would be able to reach a deal.
California has also lost access to much of the credit markets, nearly
unheard of among state municipal bond issuers. Recently, Standard &
Poor’s downgraded the state’s bond rating to the lowest in the nation.
California’s woes will almost certainly leave a jagged fiscal scar on
the nation’s most populous state, an outgrowth of the financial
triptych of above-average unemployment, high foreclosure rates and
plummeting tax revenues, and the state’s unusual budgeting practices.
“No other state is in the kind of crisis that California is in,” said
Iris J. Lav, the deputy director of the Center on Budget and Policy
Priorities, a liberal research group in Washington. The roots of
California’s inability to address its budget woes are statutory and
political. The state, unlike most others, requires a two-thirds
majority vote in the legislature to pass budgets and tax increases. And
its process for creating voter initiatives hamstrings the budget
process by directing money for some programs while depriving others of
cash.
In a legislature dominated by Democrats, some of whom lean far to the
left, leaders have been unable to gather enough support from Republican
lawmakers, who tend on average to be more conservative than the
majority of California’s Republican voters and have unequivocally
opposed all tax increases. And then there is Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger, whose budget woes far outweigh those of his
predecessor, Gray Davis, whom he drummed from office in a 2003 recall
that stemmed from the state’s fiscal problems at the time. The governor
has failed to muster votes among lawmakers in his own party, whom he
often opposes on ideological grounds, resulting in more scorn from
Democrats.
Furthermore, Republican leaders in the Senate and Assembly who have
agreed to get on board with a plan have been unable to persuade a few
key lawmakers to join them. The package needs at least three Republican
votes in each house, to join with the 51 Democrats in the Assembly and
the 24 Democrats in the Senate. For months Republicans have vowed
not to raise taxes, which in California means no increase in either the
sales, gas or personal income tax.
“It is a dramatic time,” said Darrell Steinberg, the State Senate’s
president pro tempore. “The solvency of the state is on the line. It is
really quite a system where the fat of the state rests upon the
shoulders of a couple of members of a minority party. The system
frankly needs to be changed.”
In the meantime, motorists are met with “closed” signs at Department of
Motor Vehicles offices two days a month, environmental programs are
left unattended, piles of dirt mark where highway lanes are to be built
to ease the state’s infamous traffic congestion, school systems mull
layoffs and counties prepare to sue the state for nonpayment of bills.
Last week, Mr. Schwarzenegger and the four legislative leaders
concurred on a series of bills that included $15.1 billion in budget
cuts, $14.4 billion in tax increases and $11.4 billion in borrowing,
much of it subject to voter approval. The Senate Republican
leader, Dave Cogdill, said he thought he had all the votes needed to
get the deal done in each house. But on Sunday, two Republican senators
— Dave Cox, who was originally thought to be the last vote needed, and
Abel Maldonado, whom Mr. Schwarzenegger had been able to woo into
voting against his party in the past — said they would reject the plan.
Democrats, who had already given into Republicans’ long-held dreams of
large tax cuts for small businesses and for some of the entertainment
industry and a proposed $10,000 tax break for first-time home buyers,
balked at Mr. Maldonado’s request that the legislature tuck a bill into
the package that would allow voters to cross party lines in primary
elections. Mr. Maldonado, who is also seeking a constitutional
amendment to prevent lawmakers from getting paid if budgets are late,
defended his request that the open primary bill be included in the
budget package.
“There needs to be good government reforms in this budget, and no
member should be getting pet projects,” he said. “I think with an open
primary, we would have good government that would do the people’s work.”
Sunday evening ended in frustration and exhaustion for lawmakers, who
returned to work Monday facing the state’s uncertain future.
“My boss will continue to work toward a responsible budget solution,”
said Mr. Cogdill’s spokeswoman, Sabrina Lockhart. “There are real risks
and real consequences for not passing a budget.”
Furloughs in California Close Many Agencies
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
February 7, 2009
CULVER CITY, Calif. — The drivers pulled into the lot of
the Department of Motor Vehicles office here, momentarily stymied by
the empty parking spaces, then sprinted through the drizzle toward the
door, only to be met with one dispiriting word: Closed.
In the starkest example of the intensifying budget crisis befalling
most states, more than 200,000 California state workers were ordered to
stay home Friday, the first of the semimonthly work furloughs across
state agencies intended to trim $1.3 billion from California’s $143
billion budget.
Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger ordered the unpaid days — which were upheld
last month by a county judge — to be taken until June 2011. For most
workers, for whom the furlough means a 9 percent cut in pay, the days
off will be the first and third Fridays of each month.
About 15,600 employees who work for elected officials like the attorney
general and the comptroller were exempted, though Mr. Schwarzenegger’s
aides have said they are mulling a lawsuit seeking to include those
workers, along with the ones from the Department of Motor Vehicles, the
Energy Commission, Food and Agriculture, and various social, mental
health and accrediting agencies in the program.
“It’s very frustrating not being able to work,” said Roland Becht, a
field office worker for the motor vehicles agency in Chula Vista. “I am
going to have to decide what bills not to pay this month, and that’s
going to hurt my credit. I am 50 years old, and I am thinking of
renting out a room to help pay my bills.”
California appears to be the only state that has begun a significant
worker furlough program, though at least four others are considering
similar measures, said Scott D. Pattison, the executive director of the
National Association of State Budget Officers in Washington. “It’s not
surprising,” Mr. Pattison said, “given what we have been expecting.”
California has been crushed by the combination of a collapsed housing
market, expansive government spending in recent years and the loss of a
lucrative automobile tax ended by the governor when he came into office
in 2003. The state’s unemployment rate, 9.3 percent, is among the
highest in the nation.
More than 20 states have unemployment rates above 7 percent, according
to the latest figures from the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics,
which contributes to lower sales, property and personal income taxes
for states and may lead to other furlough orders, Mr. Pattison said.
Californians looking to renew driver’s licenses, take tests for state
jobs, file claims or seek many other services found themselves out of
luck Friday. By early morning, about a dozen people stood on the
sidewalk outside a Los Angeles high-rise where the Department of
Industrial Relations is located. Five had planned to take an exam in an
effort to register as garment workers.
“Why this office?” said Lisa Bacaro, 32, who had taken the morning off
to take the exam. “In hard times, why can’t they close a different
office? This is where people come for help with jobs. I am trying to
take this test to start work, better work. I can’t believe this.”
The California Legislature, which is controlled by Democrats, and
Governor Schwarzenegger, a Republican, have repeatedly failed to come
to an agreement over how to plug a $40 billion shortfall in the budget
through mid-2010. Among other measures, Democrats and the governor are
seeking an increase in the sales tax, which Republican lawmakers
reject. California is one of the few states that require a two-thirds
majority vote in the Legislature to raise taxes.
The state controller, John Chiang, a Democrat, joined labor unions in a
lawsuit to prevent the governor from putting the furloughs into effect,
arguing that he lacked the authority to do so. But Judge Patrick
Marlette of Sacramento County Superior Court rejected that argument
last month, calling California’s fiscal situation an emergency and
citing the governor’s order as “reasonable and necessary under the
circumstances.” Judge Marlette ruled that employees of statewide
elected officials were exempt because they were not party to the
lawsuit seeking to block the furloughs.
The forced work stoppages will most likely do little to ease voters’
growing dissatisfaction with the governor and the Legislature, which
last summer delivered the latest budget in the state’s history, one
that immediately had to be retooled in the face of falling revenues.
“I’m really upset,” said Monique Carter, who tried to renew her
driver’s license Friday, the day before her birthday. “I think this guy
is playing games, because he thinks Obama is going to give the state
money and he’s going to get his little percentage. I voted for him, and
I am mad now.”
In Budget Crises, States Reluctantly
Halt
Road Projects
NYTIMES
By JENNIFER STEINHAUER
December 23, 2008
LOS ANGELES — With cars whizzing behind him along one
of Southern California’s most congested and detested freeways, Gov.
Arnold Schwarzenegger warned Monday that the state was “on a track
toward disaster” as it ceases highway, school and bridge construction
because of budget and credit woes.
California, which has suspended nearly $4 billion in public works
projects, is one of a half dozen states delaying or halting projects
because of capsizing budgets, an inability to attract investors to the
municipal bonds used to bankroll many projects and a reduction in
gasoline tax revenues — which underlie a lot of transportation
financing.
The American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials
has identified 5,000 transportation projects nationwide that lack the
dollars to proceed; many of them, like the $730 million project here to
add 10 miles of high-occupancy-vehicle lanes to the 405 Freeway — Mr.
Schwarzenegger’s backdrop on Monday — have been stopped midstream.
“They just haven’t been able to find the resources,” Tony Dorsey, the
spokesman for the association, said of the halted projects.
More than 40 states are struggling with revenue shortfalls, and
lawmakers across the country are cutting, taxing and pleading their way
toward solvency. Fixing bridges, expanding highways and other
infrastructure projects have faced the same fate as government
entitlement programs, state jobs and other items.
Jeffrey Caldwell, a spokesman for the Virginia Department of
Transportation, said, “Projects not currently under construction or
significantly far in the development process were either delayed or
completely removed from plans for future construction.”
In addition to the weak economy and lower gasoline tax revenues, states
are “concerned about the market and cost of debt,” said Scott D.
Pattison, the executive director of the National Association of State
Budget Officers in Washington
In fact, there has been very little interest among institutional
investors in municipal bonds since the financial markets began to
collapse this fall, and states have had to rely on individual investors
— far less plentiful and reliable than institutional investors — to buy
bonds.
Right after Washington cobbled together its plan to bail out banks,
California, which uses bonds to pay for projects as well as to cover
its short-term cash needs, sold $5 billion in notes, and 80 percent of
the buyers, rather than the typical 30 percent, were individuals.
Last month, when the state tried to restructure existing debt with an
additional $523 million offering, it had to reduce the offering by
two-thirds, said Tom Dresslar, the spokesman for Bill Lockyer, the
California treasurer.
“The institutional investor interest was nil,” Mr. Dresslar said.
Further, the State Legislature’s inability, with the governor, to
figure out a way to deal with the state’s $15 billion budget gap has
weakened the market’s confidence in California, something other states
could face if the fiscal situation deteriorates.
This month, Standard & Poor’s downgraded the $5 billion in revenue
bonds issued by California last month and put more than $50 billion of
debt on watch for a downgrade.
“The bottom line is we are not viewed as a quality investment,” Mr.
Dresslar said, adding that California is not in position to offer the
sort of fat interest rates needed to get offerings off the ground.
California and other states are clearly holding out hope that
President-elect Barack Obama will pump some federal money into the
stalled infrastructure projects, and some may even be delaying work
until they have a chance to make the case for federal spending. Mr.
Obama has proposed a stimulus package intended to create or save three
million jobs, largely through financing infrastructure improvements.
“It happens to be that the Obama administration wants to rebuild
America,” Mr. Schwarzenegger, a Republican, said at a news conference
here.
Steve Swartz, a spokesman for the Kansas Department of Transportation,
said most projects in that state scheduled for December and January had
been suspended because of uncertain financing.
“We’re hopeful, keeping our fingers crossed like every other state,
that a stimulus package will come through,” Mr. Swartz said. “If it
does, we’ll be in good shape.”
In the meantime, some states might think twice about proclaiming great
calamity in the face of crumbling infrastructure, high unemployment and
lack of state financing, said Matt Fabian, director of Municipal Market
Advisors, an independent consulting firm.
The strategy might attract the attention of the federal government, but
it does little to entice investors in municipal bonds.
“We have seen over the last three months that every bridge is about to
collapse, every highway is a danger and every hospital is full of
anthrax,” Mr. Fabian said. “By putting out a lot of headlines about
those issues, local governments are undermining the only base we have
left. There is no institutional demand for municipal bonds, so we are
relying completely on individuals, and individuals get scared by those
headlines.”
Calif.
Gov. Calls Lawmakers Back on
Budget
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 4:22 p.m. ET
December 19, 2008
FRESNO, Calif. (AP) -- Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger said Friday he'll
call lawmakers back to work on the state's budget woes in two months'
time after saying a day earlier he planned a veto on an $18 billion
deficit-cutting package pushed by Democrats.
''As we free-fall into a fiscal Armageddon, the Legislature still can't
cross the special interests and do what's right for the state of
California,'' Schwarzenegger said at a news conference. ''The only
thing they did really well was to increase taxes.''
Lawmakers adjourned for the holidays Thursday after state Democrats
pushed through a package of spending cuts and tax increases using a
creative maneuver to bypass Republican support. Schwarzenegger wants
lawmakers to return to the Capitol for a third special session and work
until they reach a compromise on the state's mammoth $42 billion
shortfall.
The governor said he rejected the Democrats' budget proposal because it
lacked his demands for an economic recovery plan. His office had
requested deeper cuts in welfare and senior assistance programs than
Democrats were willing to offer, as well as broad authority to relax
environmental regulation on public works projects and more toll roads.
Democratic leaders and environmental advocates that include Paul Mason,
deputy director of the Sierra Club in California, questioned why the
governor would toss aside the only deficit-cutting legislation to reach
his desk since he declared a fiscal emergency on Nov. 5.
Mason suggested the governor was betraying his public image as a
crusader against global warming through his environmental requests.
''It's inconsistent with the media image he likes to present with how
green he is,'' Mason said.
Democrats sent the Republican governor a package of bills Thursday that
would make more than $7 billion in cuts to education, health care and
prisons, and increase taxes and fees by $9.3 billion. It proposed about
$1.5 billion in other budget changes.
POSITIVE
DIRECTION FROM GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS...bringing back this historical view:
Global Trade, 2008
NYTIMES graphic.


FROM CONGRESS:
Mr. Frank told
Mr. Deutsch. “But as Chico said to Groucho, ‘Who are you going to
believe, me or your own eyes?’ ” Frank to not run in 2012, Dodd
did not run in 2010
Treasury has profited from big
bank bailouts
Washington Times
Patrice Hill
Tuesday, April 27, 2010
At a time when both parties are competing to crack down the hardest on
Wall Street banks, it might come as a surprise to know that the
Treasury has been making a tidy profit on most of the government's Wall
Street rescue operations.
What few in Congress are disclosing is that the government's non-bank
rescues have become the biggest drain on taxpayers, including the
burgeoning bailouts of mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,
insurance giant American International Group, and Detroit's General
Motors and Chrysler.
All but one of the megabanks that have raised populist ire — including
Goldman Sachs, JP Morgan Chase and Bank of America — repaid the
government bailout funds long ago, along with interest and dividends
that made the deals profitable for the Treasury. Citigroup is the only
major bank that has not repaid in full, though it has announced plans
to do so.
While many smaller banks still have not repaid their government
assistance, industry lobbyists say the much-maligned Troubled Asset
Relief Program has proved to be mostly a big win for taxpayers and the
economy.
"Two-thirds of the TARP investment from banks has already been repaid
with a large profit to the taxpayer," said Steve Bartlett, president of
the Financial Services Roundtable. "TARP was a positive boost to the
economy and the government, and taxpayers are seeing a positive return
on their investment."
The Federal Reserve reported last week that it had transferred a record
$47.4 billion in profits to the Treasury in 2009 from its Wall Street
rescue operations — up 50 percent from 2008.
About half of that came from interest that the central bank earned on
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac mortgage bonds it purchased in the past year
to support the housing market and keep 30-year mortgage rates near
record lows.
The Fed's profits were used to help reduce the government's sky-high
budget deficit, but were not enough to offset the huge cost of Fannie
and Freddie's taxpayer bailout — which stands at $127 billion and is
expected to grow to as much as $400 billion by some estimates.
In an unexpected development, the Fed said it was also on course to
earn money on the notorious portfolio of supposedly toxic bonds it
acquired from Bear Stearns two years ago to sweeten a merger deal it
arranged with JP Morgan Chase.
That deal marked the start of the government's massive Wall Street
bailout operations, which burgeoned throughout 2008 as the threat of
massive failure in the banking system forced Congress to enact the $700
billion bank bailout fund.
But the mostly untold story is that most of the money was never used,
in large part because the program was so unpopular that Wall Street
banks — worried about the congressional backlash and pay restrictions
attached to the funds — returned their bailout cash and then declined
to take part in several programs that the Treasury set up to help
unfreeze credit markets.
As a result, a $1 trillion program the Treasury set up to help banks
unload their toxic mortgage assets spent only $30 billion, though that
was the "troubled asset relief" part of the bank bailout fund for which
TARP got its name.
Another $1 trillion program that the Treasury and Fed set up jointly to
help unfreeze securitized loan markets spent only $48 billion.
Similarly, thanks to dramatic improvement in the credit markets in the
past year, a $333 billion asset guarantee program set up by Treasury,
the Fed and Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. was never tapped.
Since the credit programs were barely used and loan securities markets
have been rebounding on their own, the Treasury and Fed have been
quietly shutting down the programs in recent months.
Meanwhile, the Treasury is expanding other uses for the cash aimed at
helping Main Street rather than Wall Street.
Those programs to help small businesses get loans and help defaulting
homeowners renegotiate their mortgages have cost about $60 billion. But
spending could go much higher under the Treasury's plans, which also
would greatly increase the losses incurred by Fannie and Freddie, which
guarantee the defaulted mortgages.
The result is that the "bank bailout" fund today is primarily
benefiting small banks, AIG, which has received more than $100 billion
in assistance and has failed to make its dividend payments to the
Treasury, as well as GM, Chrysler, GMAC and various automotive
suppliers, which are on track to receive a total of $90 billion in
funding from the Treasury.
GM last week made an early repayment of $6.7 billion in loans it got
from the Treasury, but it is not clear whether or when the Treasury
will recoup the rest of its $50 billion investment in GM, which is held
in the form of common and preferred stock. The nearly $20 billion
invested in Chrysler, which has seen its sales plummet in the past year
despite the bailout, may never be recouped.
About $67 billion in TARP funds have gone to 640 smaller banks, a
couple of which have shut down, resulting in a $2.3 billion loss to the
Treasury. About 80 of the small banks have failed to make scheduled
dividend payments.
Despite the apparent success of the bailout program, the political myth
that the funds were wasted on bailouts of greedy Wall Street firms
refuses to die, and in fact has taken on new life this month as
Congress takes up legislation to reform the financial sector.
President Obama traveled to Wall Street last week to reprimand
investment houses for resisting the legislation and to whip up public
sentiment once again in an effort to drive a Democratic reform bill
through the Senate.
Nearly every time the Senate's 41 Republicans seek changes in the
heavily regulatory bill, Democrats accuse them of siding with Wall
Street. Republicans respond by insisting that the bill as written would
perpetuate "Wall Street bailouts" that the public never again wants to
finance.
Treasury Secretary Timothy F. Geithner has played both sides of the
political fence, on the one hand calling for a massive crackdown on
Wall Street while on the other hand touting the profits the Treasury is
making from the bank bailouts and trumpeting the resulting dramatic
reduction in deficit spending.
Thanks to the bank repayments, as well as profits from the sale of bank
stock acquired through the bailouts, the program turned from a money
loser into a profit center for the Treasury early this year.
Moreover, the dramatic drop in projected TARP spending is largely
responsible for a nearly $200 billion drop in the government's
projected budget deficit that the administration has been touting as
proof of fiscal discipline.
Despite that, the president this year took bank bashing to new heights
and proposed a tax on the largest financial firms to recoup the
continuing cost of the programs for small banks, the auto industry and
insurance companies.
Detroit rarely is the target of such punishment or invective from the
White House and congressional leaders, though the Treasury could lose
much of the money it invested there.
"We are confident that [GM] is on a strong path to viability," Mr.
Geithner said last week.
He suggested that the Detroit bailout was worth the cost in any case
because of the "countless jobs saved," though thousands of layoffs in
the auto sector were a major contributor to the unemployment crisis
last year.

Frank Defends Oversight of
Fannie, Freddie
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
July 24, 2009, Filed at 11:12 a.m. ET
WASHINGTON (AP) -- House Financial Services Chairman Barney Frank is
defending Democrats' oversight of struggling mortgage buyers Fannie Mae
and Freddie Mac.
At a hearing Friday, the Massachusetts Democrat said the notion that
the two institutions have been left ''unbridled'' by Democrats is a
myth. Frank said Congress will eventually want to change the model of
the government-sponsored enterprises. But, he added that Democrats
already have imposed major reforms requested by the Bush administration.
The administration is expected to release its plan for Freddie Mac and
Fannie Mae in February 2010. Republicans want to enforce new
restrictions immediately, including winding them down if they aren't
financially viable in two years.
Editorial:
Another Rescue?
NYTIMES
May 29, 2009
Remember the
days, not so long ago, when you had never heard of subprime mortgages
or credit default swaps or collateralized debt obligations? As
government officials try to sort out those messes, states and
localities are asking for federal aid for another financial trouble
child: the VRDO, or the variable rate demand obligation.
A VRDO (rhymes with weirdo) is a type of municipal bond that combines a
long maturity with a floating interest rate and other tricky features.
With some $400 billion outstanding, VRDOs are a big chunk of the $2.7
trillion in municipal debt that has been issued by more than 50,000
entities, mainly state and local governments.
As the recession has deepened, impairing the credit quality of insurers
and banks that back the bonds, interest-rate increases have been
triggered on some VRDOs. That has led to higher debt payments at a time
when municipalities can least afford it. It has also become
increasingly more expensive to issue new bonds, because fewer insurers
and banks are able or willing to backstop them, especially for
cash-strapped issuers.
The result has been less access to capital at a higher cost, a squeeze
that state and local governments say will only prolong the recession.
On Capitol Hill, Representative Barney Frank, the chairman of the House
Financial Services Committee, is now drafting legislation that would
provide federal backing for VRDOs and other municipal bonds. That would
make it easier and less costly for state and local governments to
borrow.
At first glance, support for the municipal bond market seems like one
more unfortunate but unavoidable lifeline for a troubled financial
system. But we are not yet persuaded that the need is as urgent as some
politicians are claiming — or if such support would be wise.
States and localities are hurting, no doubt. But they have also been on
the receiving end of substantial federal stimulus dollars, and will
likely receive more if the downturn deepens. They also will be the
direct or indirect beneficiaries of other policy actions — like federal
foreclosure relief and the bank bailouts. Encouraging more borrowing,
especially with potentially dicey instruments, may not be the best way
to help.
There is a legitimate concern that propping up VRDOs could lead
governments to over rely on them, even though the financial crisis has
exposed their weaknesses. This latest round of trouble is also one more
reminder of the urgent need to reform the credit rating agencies, whose
faulty ratings led in part to the municipalities’ reliance on VRDOs and
other borrowing.
If federal backing is deemed necessary, Congress must be frank about
the costs and risks. Debt guarantees by the Treasury can carry a cost,
even if there is no immediate outlay. In the year a guarantee is
extended, the federal budget records an amount that the government is
likely to lose in the event of default. Each year the amount is
re-estimated, based on the loan’s performance. Losses add to the budget
deficit and the federal debt.
That isn’t the only cost. The more the government spends, guarantees
and borrows to prop up the financial system, the more nervous investors
have become about the possibility of future inflation, a worry that of
late has contributed to big swings in the stock market.
In these very difficult times, states and localities certainly need
help from the federal government. But before any support is provided to
the municipal debt market, the case for aid has to be made based on
thorough analysis and full transparency.
Housing, other indicators point to a
possible turnaround
Stamford ADVOCATE
By Dirk Perrefort, Staff Writer
Posted: 03/28/2009 11:56:46 PM EDT
Updated: 03/29/2009 02:11:07 AM EDT
A surprise increase in housing sales nationally and locally is one of
several indicators that the economy could be nearing a turnaround,
experts said.
The National Association of Realtors reported last week that
single-family home sales increased in February by about 5 percent
nationally and 15 percent in New England. New home sales also increased
about 5 percent nationally last month. Paul Scalzo, president of
Scalzo Group Real Estate Services in Bethel, said he is seeing a
similar trend locally. Closings on housing purchases increased in the
Danbury area by about 12 percent in February. In Danbury, 41 home sales
were reported from Feb. 23 to March 23 compared with 34 sales from Jan.
22 to Feb. 22.
A more current indicator -- deposits on real estate purchases -- have
increased by about 25 percent within the last month.
"The market isn't where it used to be, but I think the confidence is
starting to come back," Scalzo said. "While I can't predict the future,
this could be the beginning of a rebound."
He added that much of the recent activity has been in homes priced at
less than $300,000 that are purchased by first-time home buyers.
Recent government incentives, including the $8,000 tax credit included
as part of the most recent stimulus package, and low interest rates
could be factors in buyers entering the market. Gary Lemme, a senior
vice president with Union Savings Bank, said the mortgage volume has
increased in recent months. Much of that activity, he said, is because
of first-time home buyers.
"The volume in mortgages has definitely increased, but it's still no
where near what we saw a few years ago," he said.
Lemme said he has seen an "opening of the floodgates" in
mortgage-refinancing applications as a result of low interest
rates. Saving money on a mortgage payment, he added, could help
by putting more money in a homeowner's pocket to pay other
expenses. Nick Perna, an economic adviser to Webster Financial
Services, said several indicators, including the increase in real
estate purchases, could be pointing to an economic turnaround later
this year.
"We seem to be at a point where all the indicators coming out are a
little better than expected, even if they are still lousy," he said.
Those indicators, he said, include recent national retail sales numbers
that showed an improvement in February over previous months.
Orders for durable goods also jumped 3.4 percent in February.
Economists had forecasted a drop in the economic indicator. An
increase of more than 1,000 points in the stock market over the past
two weeks, Perna said, also is important.
"In the past, the stock market has been a leading indicator of a
turnaround in the economy," he said. "The good thing about the economy
is that its sort of a self-fulfilling prophecy. If it goes up, people
feel better."
Speaking of historical views...read
below and/or click
this link!
Has
the Economy Hit Bottom Yet?
NYTIMES
By VIKAS BAJAJ
March 15, 2009
The economist John Kenneth Galbraith once said, “The only function of
economic forecasting is to make astrology look respectable.”
Still, we have to ask: was that the bottom we just hit?
After months of punishing economic news, the gloom seemed to lift last
week if only for a moment. The stock market shot up 12 percent in four
days. Two of the nation’s biggest banks said they had returned to
profitability. General Motors said it wouldn’t need another $2 billion
in government help this month. And retail sales were better than
expected.
Then again, perhaps that’s what passes for good news these days.
The market is still down by more than 50 percent since its high 17
months ago. Yes, the banks made money, but for just two months, and
never mind the billions of bad assets that remain on their books. G.M.
will still, in all likelihood, need billions in taxpayer help down the
road and there’s no guarantee it will survive. And those retail sales
numbers? They were still bad, just not as bad as analysts were
expecting.
Still, there was a sense among some economists and Wall Street analysts
that if the bottom was not touched, perhaps the freefall was at least
slowing. No less than Lawrence Summers, President Obama’s top economic
adviser, said on Friday that while the economic crisis would not end
anytime soon, there were early signs that it was easing.
Which leads to a question: When we do hit the bottom — this year or
years from now — how will we know?
There’s no easy answer.
Mr. Galbraith was not the first or last economist to acknowledge
fallibility at predicting turning points. (Just think back to
assurances by top government officials in early 2007 that the growing
problems with subprime mortgages were “contained.”)
Forecasting the end of the current recession is even more difficult
because it will hinge on how quickly and efficiently governments
resolve the crisis in the banking system. Many investors continue to
worry that the world’s biggest financial institutions are insolvent,
despite assurances from Washington that those firms have plenty of
capital.
How political leaders diagnose and fix the banks will be critical.
Analysts say misguided and erratic government responses exacerbated
Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s and the Depression of the 1930s.
“The things that can screw it up are bad policies,” said Thomas F.
Cooley, dean of the Stern School of Business at New York University.
In the end, there’s probably no way to know for sure that we’ve hit
bottom until we’re on the rebound. Still, analysts say there are some
key indicators that might help in spotting a bottom and recovery at a
time when it can be hard to see past the despair.
STOCKS
History shows that the stock market usually hits bottom before the
economy does.
In October, Warren E. Buffett, one of the world’s most successful
investors, said he was buying American stocks because they usually rise
“well before either sentiment or the economy.” But even he acknowledged
not having “the faintest idea” what would happen in the next month or
year.
Since then, stocks have dropped by another 20 percent, and with the
market at levels last seen in 1997, stocks are cheap by historical
standards. The price-to-earnings ratio — which investors use to gauge
how much they are paying for each dollar of corporate profit — is
around 13, about 20 percent lower than the average of the last 130
years.
But many investors remain on the sidelines. Money market funds have
swollen to $3.8 trillion, up from $2.4 trillion two years ago. And the
cash banks are holding in their vaults and at the Federal Reserve has
more than doubled in the last nine months.
What has made the current recession so pernicious is the eroding
pressure of deflation, the general decline in prices that has hurt both
businesses and consumers. They earn less and the value of their
businesses and homes has fallen, yet they still owe as much as they did
before, said Russell Napier, a consultant with Credit Lyonnais and
author of “Anatomy of the Bear: Lessons From Wall Street’s Four Great
Bottoms.”
He said he believed stocks would not rise until deflation ended and
businesses could charge higher prices to pay off debts. Early
indications suggest that this may be happening and that the stock
market may be near the bottom, Mr. Napier said. He pointed to three
indicators that often signal that economic growth and inflation are on
the way — the prices of copper, corporate bonds and inflation-protected
Treasury securities. Prices for all three are higher today than they
were in November.
“All the indicators suggest you should be buying and not selling,” he
said. Still, Mr. Napier acknowledged that stocks, while cheap, could
fall further. Measured by their 10-year price-to-earnings ratio, stocks
were a lot less expensive in the early 1980s, when the ratio fell to
less than seven, and in the 1930s, when it was below six.
Nouriel Roubini, the economics professor from New York University who
predicted much of the current crisis, has warned that corporate
earnings and stock prices could continue to fall, perhaps precipitously.
HOME PRICES
To determine whether home prices are still inflated, economist use
ratios that compare the cost of buying a home to renting or to median
family income. If the ratios move sharply higher, as they did in recent
years, it suggests home prices might be inflated. When they are
falling, as they are across the country and particularly in places like
San Diego, Phoenix and Tampa, owning a home becomes more affordable.
Barry Ritholtz, a professional investor who writes the popular
economics blog The Big Picture, has a simpler, more subjective,
approach: Assume a young couple earning two modest incomes is looking
to buy a two- or three-bedroom starter home in a middle-income
neighborhood in your city. Can they qualify for a mortgage and afford
to buy it?
“If the answer is no, then you are not at a bottom in housing,” said
Mr. Ritholtz, who estimates that the decline in national home prices is
only half-complete.
Just as prices in the bubble did not go up uniformly in all parts of
the country, they will not reach bottom together, said Ronald J.
Peltier, chief executive of Home Services of America, a real estate
brokerage firm.
In places like Riverside, Calif., and Miami, where homes are selling
for half or less than what they sold for three or four years ago, real
estate may be close to the bottom. One telling sign is that first-time
home buyers and investors are snapping up homes, though they are mostly
buying from banks selling foreclosed properties at deep discounts.
Sales of existing homes in California jumped by more than 50 percent in
January from a year earlier. But the median price was down more than 40
percent, to $224,000.
At the same time, prices have come down a lot less in urban areas like
Manhattan and, not surprisingly, the number of homes being sold is down
by as much as 50 percent from a year ago. Prices in these urban areas
will have to fall much more before many young couples can afford
starter homes.
Of course, those who bought at the peak of the market will suffer the
greatest pain if they are forced to sell. But Mr. Peltier and other
specialists say the current dismal market will only be resolved by
lower prices, easier lending and an improving economy.
CONSUMER SPENDING
Americans like to buy things, and for at least the last decade, many
economists assumed they would continue to spend on cars, clothes and
the latest digital toy, good times or not. Consumer spending has rarely
declined in the post-World-War-II era and when it has, it bounced back
quickly.
The current recession is severely testing that article of faith.
Personal consumption fell by about 1 percent in the second half of last
year — the first sustained decline since 1980. Economists say
consumption will be slow to recover because debt-saddled Americans are
saving more or paying down debt. The savings rate — the amount of money
consumers did not spend — jumped to about 3 percent late last year,
from practically zero, still far below its postwar average of 7
percent.
A sign that consumption has hit bottom may come when the savings rate
begins to flatten. Spending should then rebound as pent-up demand gives
way. Car sales, for instance, have fallen to levels last seen in 1981,
when the population of the United States was about three-quarters of
what it is today. Many families are deferring car purchases and making
do with what they have. Eventually, however, they will have to replace
their aging vehicles.
In a study of economic cycles, Edward E. Leamer, an economist at the
Anderson School of Management at the University of California at Los
Angeles, found that auto sales and home building tended to lead
recoveries.
An increase in international trade would be another early indicator
that consumer spending here and abroad has hit the floor and begun to
rebound.
After growing at an average of 7 percent a year for most of this
decade, global trade was little changed from March to September last
year, according to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and
Development. Many large economies including the United States, Japan
and China have reported a sharp drop in exports and imports in recent
months. There was more bad news on Friday, when the Commerce Department
reported that exports from and imports to the United States fell by
about 12 percent in January.
“Seeing global trade pick up would be a very positive sign,” said
Kenneth Rogoff, a former chief economist at the International Monetary
Fund and now a professor at Harvard.
Tobias Levkovich, chief United States equity strategist at Citigroup,
has another indicator for spotting when we have hit bottom: When we
stop behaving like children in the backseat of the car asking their
parents, “Are we there yet?”
Talking Business: Facing Crisis,
Congress Makes Sense
NYTIMES
By JOE NOCERA
November 15, 2008
Congress has an endless capacity to disappoint. A scandal erupts, and
it rushes to pass legislation full of unintended consequences. Then,
when no one is looking, it strips away regulations the country needs.
Ideology too often trumps common sense. Partisanship too often gets in
the way of practical solutions. It’s an old story, I know.
And then there is a week like this one, a week that’s almost enough to
restore your faith in the United States Congress.
•
Around 9:45 on Wednesday morning, William Frey took a seat in the
hearing room of the House Financial Services Committee. Mr. Frey, 50,
is a broker-dealer who trades mortgage-backed securities. A few weeks
ago, he caught the attention of the committee chairman, Barney Frank,
when The New York Times reported that he had sent letters to servicers
of mortgages contained in mortgage-backed securities, threatening to
sue if they dared to modify mortgages for struggling homeowners.
Mr. Frank was livid. For months, he has been jawboning lenders to do
more to prevent foreclosures, and it has been like whistling in the
wind. Yet as slow as banks have been to get with the program (which
they are finally starting to do), Wall Street has been worse, doing
virtually nothing about the $2 trillion worth of mortgages trapped in
securitized mortgage pools, those so-called toxic assets. Indeed, Mr.
Frey’s letter seemed to suggest that the big boys on Wall Street
actually wanted people to lose their homes.
Within hours of reading the Times article, Mr. Frank and several other
Democrats put out a news release demanding the scalp of both Mr. Frey
and a second hedge fund manager mentioned in the Times article. Mr.
Frank also demanded that Mr. Frey appear at a hearing to explain why he
was unwilling to allow mortgage modification.
At the hearing, however, Mr. Frey was not at the witness table. He was
in the audience. At the last minute, Mr. Frank had decided to withdraw
his invitation. Most people would view such a reprieve as a gift from
the gods, but not Mr. Frey.
When I met him not long ago, Mr. Frey explained that he wasn’t really
trying to stand in the way of preventing foreclosures. In fact, he had
devised a plan months ago to deal with securitized mortgages, by having
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac buy them at face value and then refinance
them. This of course would cost the Treasury tens of billions of
dollars, but as Mr. Frey saw it, it was the only possible solution.
Anything else would have the effect, he believed, of violating the
contract between the servicer and the investors, which never
anticipated the housing meltdown and lacked language that would allow
for mortgage modification. And interfering with contracts is bad
business — that’s the road to Russia or Venezuela.
Mr. Frey also believes that he is the only person in the business
willing to speak this painful truth. When he learned that the other
hedge fund manager called on the carpet by Mr. Frank, Harvey Allon of
Braddock Financial, was now saying he’d been misunderstood, Mr. Frey
was contemptuous. He wanted to testify, he said, because somebody
needed to give the committee some straight talk about securitized
mortgages.
Having gotten to know him these past few weeks, I couldn’t help
suspecting another motive, however: since that original Times article,
he had discovered that he liked being in the newspaper. A juicy
confrontation with a sharp-tongued committee chairman would surely
provoke a headline or two.
At first, I couldn’t understand why Mr. Frank wouldn’t want a foil like
Mr. Frey on the panel of witnesses. Instead, he had invited four
milquetoasts, including representatives from Bank of America and
JPMorgan Chase, whose primary goal was to present their institutions as
the homeowners’ best friends. (To give them their due, both
institutions have mortgage modification efforts under way that are
better than anything the government has going.) A third witness was a
lobbyist for the hedge fund industry who said things like, “Bold,
proactive steps need to be taken.” (Zzzzzz.)
And then there was Tom Deutsch, a lobbyist for the securitization
industry. His job, not surprisingly, was to play down the problem.
There were eight times more securitized mortgages being modified today
than there were a year ago, he said. The fear of lawsuits was wildly
overblown, he insisted. “Industry participants have been and will
continue to deploy aggressive and streamlined efforts to prevent as
many avoidable foreclosures as possible,” he said.
Mr. Frank wasn’t buying it. Nor should he have been. Yes, some
securitization contracts allow for mortgage modifications, but most do
not. At IndyMac, for instance, which the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation has taken over, the agency has sent letters to 9,000 people
who hold securitized mortgages it believes it can modify. But it has
also found another 20,000 it can’t touch.
“I would like to believe what you are saying,” a skeptical Mr. Frank
told Mr. Deutsch. “But as Chico said to Groucho, ‘Who are you going to
believe, me or your own eyes?’ ”
In response, Mr. Deutsch told the committee that his organization, the
American Securitization Forum, was working on a solution to the problem
by bringing “all the parties together that own mortgage-backed
securities to create a streamlined process.” In other words, all the
investors were going to get in a room together and figure out how to
redo the contracts to make mortgage modifications possible. Or so Mr.
Deutsch seemed to be promising.
That was exactly what Mr. Frank had been waiting for. He pounced. “Tell
them that if they are worried we will intrude legislatively, they can
make us go away. But only if their effort works, and is meaningful,” he
said.
And that is when I realized Mr. Frank’s intent. Earlier in his career,
perhaps, he might have enjoyed a confrontation with Mr. Frey. But now,
as the most powerful Congressional Democrat grappling with the
financial crisis, he had more important things on his mind. He had
called this hearing to deliver a message to the securitization
industry. Mr. Deutsch was his appointed messenger.
Afterward, surrounded by reporters, Mr. Frank sent the message again,
even more strongly. “We cannot interfere with existing contracts,” he
said. “And we are not going to spend a penny of taxpayers’ money buying
up loans that should never have been made in the first place. But
preventing foreclosures is at the top of the agenda. We’ll see if
Deutsch can do what he says he can do. If not, we are poised to
introduce legislation that they won’t like.”
If that doesn’t move the securitization industry to do something to
help homeowners, nothing will.
•
The next day, the scene shifted to the House Committee on Oversight and
Government Reform, headed by Congress’s grand inquisitor, Henry Waxman
of California. As a general rule, I don’t have much patience for Mr.
Waxman’s accusatory style. He calls a hearing to investigate the cause
of the cataclysmic bankruptcy at Lehman, and then spends the whole time
berating the former chief executive, Richard Fuld, over his
compensation. Hearings to him are blood sport, not fact-finding
missions.
Mr. Waxman’s hearing on Thursday was supposed to be an inquiry into the
role of unregulated hedge funds in the credit crisis. To that end, Mr.
Waxman had assembled five hedge fund billionaires, including Ken
Griffin, head of the Citadel Investment Group; John Paulson, who made
billions betting against mortgage-backed securities; and George Soros.
With the exception of Mr. Soros, who arrived with a smile on his face
and copies of his latest book under his arm, the hedge fund managers
approached the witness table with expressions ranging from trepidation
to dread. James Simons, who runs the hedge fund firm Renaissance
Technologies, seemed to visibly shrink as the cameramen crowded around
him.
At first, it looked like Mr. Waxman was going to use the hearing the
way he usually does: to hammer his unfortunate witnesses. Twice in his
short opening statement, he pointedly mentioned that each of the five
hedge fund managers had made more than $1 billion in 2007. But then Mr.
Waxman asked his first question, and suddenly the tenor changed.
“Do you believe that the collapse of large hedge funds pose systemic
risk?” he began. “And does this justify greater federal regulation?”
That question, in turn, provoked one of the most amazing hearings I’ve
ever attended, not because sparks flew but because the hedge fund
managers responded with answers I never thought I would hear in my
lifetime.
They all agreed with Mr. Waxman, and with the other Congressional
questioners, that in certain cases hedge funds could indeed pose
systemic risk. All but Mr. Griffin said they would favor at least some
regulation of hedge funds. They all agreed on the need for more
disclosure. They said they had no problem turning over now-hidden
information about their portfolios to a federal regulator. Mr. Simons
and several others (though, again, not Mr. Griffin) said that if
Congress changed the tax laws in ways that caused them to have to pay
more taxes, they would be O.K. with that. I almost fell out of my chair.
As the hearing approached its end, Mr. Waxman happily ticked off all
the things they had agreed to. Though they may all wake up tomorrow and
wonder what had come over them during their testimony, what’s done is
done. They can’t take their words back.
And next year, as a new Congress and a new president begin the task of
coming up with better regulations for the financial system, you can bet
that the words of those hedge fund managers will be cited again and
again. In fact, if you want to point to the day when hedge fund
regulation became a foregone conclusion, it was this Thursday.
Later, after the hearing was over, Mr. Waxman shook hands with Mr.
Simons. “Thank you,” he said. “It was a good hearing.” Then he broke
into a wide grin. “Very substantive,” he added.
He sounded surprised.




Our
question: how many leaks of information on the government
declaration of "fitness" will take down how
many banks? How much did this editorial
do to prevent it?
So far, 3 Buffett pronouncements: first, buy
American; second,
who knew?
Third, oops, fell off a cliff. FYI:
supported President Obama during campaign.
Frank
Comes Home to the Facts
National Review Online
Larry Kudlow
August 20, 2010
5:16 P.M.
The congressman acknowledges that market processes work.
Can Obama?
Can you teach an old dog new tricks? In politics, the answer is usually
no. Most elected officials cling to their ideological biases, despite
the real-world facts that disprove their theories time and again. Most
have no common sense, and most never acknowledge that they were wrong.
But one huge exception to this rule is Democrat Barney Frank, chairman
of the House Financial Services Committee.
For years, Frank was a staunch supporter of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,
the giant government housing agencies that played such an enormous role
in the financial meltdown that thrust the economy into the Great
Recession. But in a recent CNBC interview, Frank told me that he was
ready to say goodbye to Fannie and Freddie.
“I hope by next year we’ll have abolished Fannie and Freddie,” he said.
Remarkable. And he went on to say that “it was a great mistake to push
lower-income people into housing they couldn’t afford and couldn’t
really handle once they had it.” He then added, “I had been too
sanguine about Fannie and Freddie.”
When I asked Frank about a long-term phase-out plan that would shrink
Fannie and Freddie portfolios and mortgage-purchase limits, and merge
the agencies into the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) for a
separate low-income program that would get government out of
middle-income housing subsidies, he replied: “Larry, that, I think, is
exactly what we should be doing.”
Frank also said that any federal housing guarantees should be
transparently priced and put on budget. But he added that the private
sector must be encouraged to re-enter housing finance just as the
government gradually withdraws from it.
Some would say Frank’s mea culpa is politically motivated in advance of
an election where bailout nation and big government are public enemies
number one and two. Of course, poll after poll shows that the $150
billion Fan-Fred bailout, which the Congressional Budget Office
estimates could rise to $400 billion, is detested by voters and
taxpayers everywhere.
In fact, these failed government agencies are in such bad shape that
they can’t even pay Uncle Sam the dividends owed under the
conservatorship deal reached two years ago. That’s right. In order to
pay a $1.8 billion dividend on Treasury department stock, Fan and Fred
had to borrow $1.5 billion from — you guessed it — the Treasury.
Then there’s this head-scratching detail: In an absolutely outrageous
move last Christmas Eve, President Obama signed off on $42 million in
bonuses for the top twelve Fannie and Freddie executives, including $6
million apiece for the two CEOs. (Hat tip to attorney Stephen B.
Meister.)
Voters are on to all this. So politics may indeed be motivating Barney
Frank’s turnaround. But I’m going to credit him with more than that.
I think Chairman Frank watched these government behemoths descend into
hell and then witnessed the financial catastrophe that ensued. And I
think he has come to realize that the whole system of federal
affordable-housing mandates that was central to the real-estate
collapse — including the mandates on Fannie and Freddie and the myriad
bad decisions made by private banks and other lenders in response to
the government’s overreach — simply needs to be abolished.
Noteworthy is the fact that Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner has come to
a similar conclusion. Geithner told a recent Washington conference on
the future of housing finance that the system needs fundamental change.
He said, “We will not support a return to the system where private
gains are subsidized by taxpayer losses.”
Of course, the withdrawal of housing markets from government programs,
and the onset of a reinvigorated private sector for providing
mortgages, must be done gradually over a period of years. But it is
possible that the federal mortgage madness is coming to an end.
We will have to see if Congress really does say good-bye to Fan and
Fred, as Republicans like Jeb Hensarling are advocating. Equally
important, we will have to see if the federal affordable-housing
mandates created by Congress and implemented by HUD and banking
regulators are similarly repealed.
And then we will have to see if reformed federally guaranteed housing
insurance includes larger down-payments, stricter underwriting
standards, and greater reliance on private capital markets, lenders,
and insurers. In other words, we need to see if housing will be
restored to a market-based system and removed from the
government-backed system that has proved so disastrous.
The broader lesson here is that government planning doesn’t work. And
if left to their own devices, market processes will work. I don’t know
if President Obama gets this. But my hat goes off to a man who does,
Chairman Barney Frank.
Obama claims a major victory in sweeping financial overhaul deal
DAY
By JIM KUHNHENN Associated Press Writer
Article
published Jun 26, 2010
House and Senate negotiators reached a dawn agreement Friday on
legislation that redefines federal oversight of the financial industry
and, following the signing of the health care act in March, adds
another milestone to mark the Obama presidency.
President Barack Obama declared victory Friday after congressional
negotiators reached agreement on a sweeping overhaul of rules
overseeing Wall Street.
Lawmakers shook hands on the compromise legislation at 5:39 a.m. after
Obama administration officials helped broker a deal that cracked the
last impediment to the bill - a proposal to force banks to spin off
their lucrative derivatives trading business. The legislation touches
on an exhaustive range of financial transactions, from a debit card
swipe at a supermarket to the most complex securities deals cut in
downtown Manhattan.
Speaking to reporters as he left the White House to attend an economic
summit of world leaders in Canada, the president said he was gratified
by Congress' work and said the deal included 90 percent of what he had
proposed. He said the bill, forged in the aftermath of the 2008
financial meltdown, represents the toughest financial overhaul since
the Great Depression.
"We've all seen what happens when there is inadequate oversight and
insufficient transparency on Wall Street," he said. "The reforms
working their way through Congress will hold Wall Street accountable so
we can help prevent another financial crisis like the one that we're
still recovering from."
Asked by reporters whether he can get the financial measure through the
Senate, Obama said, "You bet."
With the new health care law, passage of the legislation would give
Obama a second major triumph that he and Democrats can take to voters
as they head toward tough congressional elections in November. Senate
Democrats are now trying to coalesce around the third big-ticket item
on Obama's agenda, passage of clean energy legislation.
Obama said he will discuss the regulations with other leaders at the
Toronto meeting because the recent economic crisis proves that the
world's economies are linked.
Lawmakers hope the House and Senate will approve the compromise
legislation by July 4. Republicans complained the bill overreached and
tackled financial issues that were not responsible for the financial
crisis.
The bill would set up a warning system for financial risks, created a
powerful consumer financial protection bureau to police lending, forced
large failing firms to liquidate and set new rules for financial
instruments that have been largely unregulated.
"It took a crisis to bring us to the point where we could actually get
this job done," Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd said.
In its breadth, the legislation would affect working class homebuyers
negotiating their first mortgage as well as international finance
ministers negotiating international regulatory regimes.
The bill came together in during a time of high unemployment for
American workers, huge bonuses for bankers and rising antipathy toward
bank bailouts.
"It is reassuring to know that when public opinion gets engaged it will
win," said Rep. Barney Frank, the chairman of the House-Senate panel
that merged competing bills.
House negotiators voted a party line 20-11 in favor of the final
agreement; senators voted 7-5, also along party lines.
Jim Dunigan, managing executive of investments for PNC Wealth
Management in Philadelphia, said investors are relieved that they now
know what the bill will look like. "It clears the playing field a
little bit so at least you know what you're up against and you can
start to plan around that. The no man's land that they were in while
they were crafting the final bill left too much uncertainty," Dunigan
said.
Financial stocks rose in early trading Friday, as traders were relieved
that banks would be allowed to continue most kinds of transactions.
JPMorgan Chase & Co. rose 2 percent, while Citigroup Inc. climbed
2.1 percent.
Frank and Dodd set a furious pace for lawmakers in their last day of
talks. Their goal, in part, was to hand Obama a deal going into this
weekend's summit. The compromise did not address any restructuring of
the government-related mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
Republicans tried to shift the debate to those two, to no avail.
Overhauling those agencies "should have been our top priority," said
Rep. Spencer Bachus, R-Ala., the top Republican on the House Financial
Services Committee. He said the bill focused on many areas unrelated to
the financial crisis.
The government took over Fannie and Freddie in 2008 after they suffered
heavy loan losses in the housing crash. Their collapse has cost $145
billion and the Obama administration has pledged to cover unlimited
Fannie and Freddie losses through 2012, lifting an earlier cap of $400
billion.
In a blow to Obama, the consumer protection agency would not regulate
auto dealers, even though they assemble loans for millions of car
buyers. Payday lenders and check cashers would be regulated, but
enforcement would be left to states or the Federal Trade Commission.
To pay for the costs of the bill, negotiators agreed to assess a fee on
banks with assets of more than $50 billion and hedge funds of more than
$10 billion in assets to raise $19 billion over 10 years.
The final agreement capped an all-night marathon session of public and
private deal making. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., stepped in
to press agreement on one of the final obstacles.
As they worked toward the home stretch early Friday, negotiators
softened a contentious Wall Street restriction that would force large
bank holding companies to spin off their lucrative derivatives business.
The deal, negotiated between the White House and Sen. Blanche Lincoln,
D-Ark., eliminated one of the last major sticking points.
Derivatives are complex securities often used by corporations to hedge
against market fluctuations. But they also have become speculative
instruments for financial institutions, the most notorious of which
were credit default swaps that hedged against loan failures.
In the House, moderate Democrats and members of the New York
congressional delegation fought to remove Lincoln's language.
Under the agreement banks would only spin off their riskiest
derivatives trades. Banks get to keep some of their lucrative business
based on trades in derivatives related to interest rates, foreign
exchanges, gold and silver. They could even arrange credit default
swaps, the notorious instruments blamed for the meltdown, as long as
they were traded through clearing houses. Banks could trade in
derivatives with their own money to hedge against market fluctuations.
Negotiators also limited the ability of banks to carry out their own
high-risk trades or invest in hedge funds and private equity funds.
Bank holding companies that have commercial banking operations would
not be permitted to trade in speculative investments. But negotiators
agreed to let bank holding companies invest in hedge funds and private
equity funds, setting an investment limit of no more than 3 percent of
their capital. There are no such conditions on banks now.
3 Fla. banks, 1 each in Nev., Calif. shut down
YAHOO
By MARCY GORDON, AP Business Writer
Fri May 28, 9:56 pm ET
WASHINGTON – Regulators on Friday shut down three banks in Florida and
one each in Nevada and California, bringing the number of U.S. bank
failures this year to 78.
The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. took over the Florida banks, all
owned by holding company Bank of Florida Corp. They are Bank of
Florida-Southeast, based in Fort Lauderdale, with $595.3 million in
assets; Bank of Florida-Southwest, based in Naples, with $640.9 million
in assets; and Bank of Florida-Tampa Bay, based in Tampa, with $245.2
million in assets.
The FDIC also seized Las Vegas-based Sun West Bank, with $360.7 million
in assets, and Granite Community Bank, located in Granite Bay, Calif.,
with $102.9 million in assets.
EverBank, based in Jacksonville, Fla., agreed to acquire the assets and
deposits of the failed Florida banks. Los Angeles-based City National
Bank is assuming all the assets and deposits of Sun West Bank, and Tri
Counties Bank, based in Chico, Calif., is assuming those of Granite
Community Bank.
In addition, the FDIC and EverBank agreed to share losses on the three
Florida banks' loans and other assets. Losses will be shared on $437.3
million of Bank of Florida-Southeast's assets, $568.1 million of Bank
of Florida-Southwest's assets and $210.8 million of Bank of
Florida-Tampa Bay's assets. The federal agency and City National Bank
agreed to share losses on $280 million of Sun West Bank's assets. The
FDIC is sharing with Tri Counties Bank losses on $89.3 million of
Granite Community Bank's assets.
The failures of the three Florida banks are expected to cost the
deposit insurance fund a total of about $203 million. The failures of
Sun West Bank are expected to cost around $96.7 million, while losses
at Granite Community Bank are expected to cost $17.3 million.
The three Florida closures brought to 13 the number of bank failures
this year in Florida, a state with one of the highest concentrations of
bank collapses and where the meltdown in the real estate market brought
an avalanche of soured mortgage loans. Fourteen banks in the state
failed last year.
California is another state with a heavy concentration of bank
failures, and Granite Community Bank was the sixth bank to fall in the
state this year, following the shutdown of several big California banks
in the last months of 2009. Seventeen banks failed in California last
year.
Georgia and Illinois also are high on the list of states with
concentrated bank failures.
With 78 closures nationwide so far this year, the pace of bank failures
is more than double that of 2009, which was already a brisk year for
shutdowns. By this time last year, regulators had closed 36 banks. The
pace has accelerated as banks' losses mount on loans made for
commercial property and development.
The number of bank failures is expected to peak this year and to be
slightly higher than the 140 that fell in 2009. That was the highest
annual tally since 1992, at the height of the savings and loan crisis.
The 2009 failures cost the insurance fund more than $30 billion.
Twenty-five banks failed in 2008, the year the financial crisis struck
with force, and only three succumbed in 2007.
As losses have mounted on loans made for commercial property and
development, the growing bank failures have sapped billions of dollars
out of the deposit insurance fund. It fell into the red last year, and
its deficit stood at $20.7 billion as of March 31.
The number of banks on the FDIC's confidential "problem" list jumped to
775 in the first quarter from 702 three months earlier, even as the
industry as a whole had its best quarter in two years.
A majority of institutions posted profit gains in the January-March
quarter. But many small and mid-sized banks are likely to continue to
suffer distress in the coming months and years, especially from soured
loans for office buildings and development projects.
The FDIC expects the cost of resolving failed banks to grow to about
$100 billion over the next four years.
The agency mandated last year that banks prepay about $45 billion in
premiums, for 2010 through 2012, to replenish the insurance fund.
Depositors' money — insured up to $250,000 per account — is not at
risk, with the FDIC backed by the government.
Moody's:
TARP for Insurers Beneficial
NYTIMES
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 12:51 p.m. ET
June
2, 2009
CHARLOTTE, N.C. (AP) -- Although some insurance companies have shied
away from accepting bailout money from the government, Moody's
Investors Service says the insurers and their creditors would benefit
from the funds.
Last month, the government said it would allow six major insurers to
tap the Treasury Department's Troubled Asset Relief Program for
additional capital. Half have already declined the aid.
TARP money has the potential to materially increase companies' capital
reserves and give them more financial flexibility, Moody's said in a
report issued Tuesday.
The credit rating agency says any additional capital would help the
insurers prevent ratings downgrades and improve their ratings outlooks
-- which are currently negative for most insurers.
U.S. Says Ailing
Banks Need $75 Billion
NYTIMES
By EDMUND L. ANDREWS
May
8, 2009
Federal regulators told the country’s 19 largest banks that they must
raise $75 billion in extra capital by November, a more upbeat verdict
on the health of the financial system than the industry had feared just
two months ago.
Ten of the 19 bank holding companies deemed “too big to fail” by the
Obama administration will be required to raise additional capital,
according to the results of the government’s stress tests, released
late Thursday afternoon. But the 10 banks will have to raise much less
capital than some analysts had expected as recently as a few days ago.
“With the clarity today’s announcement will bring, we hope banks are
going to get back to the business of banking,” Treasury Secretary
Timothy F. Geithner said during a news briefing on Thursday afternoon.
Mr. Geithner noted that banks had a long way to go to restore the
nation’s confidence in the financial industry, and that they could get
a start in generating good will by lending more.
Regulators and bank executives alike predicted that most of the
institutions will be able to build up the necessary capital from
private sources — either by selling off assets or by converting shares
of nonvoting preferred stock into nonvoting shares of common stock.
Some banks immediately said they would raise money by selling shares or
assets.
Citigroup must raise $5.5 billion in new capital, on top of converting
$45 billion in rescue funds into ordinary stock, which would give the
United States ownership of 36 percent of Citi.
Bank of America must find $34 billion, but it is likely to resist
filling its capital gap by converting $45 billion in preferred shares
from the government’s bailout money into common stock. Instead, the
bank is expected to sell off assets, including a stake in China
Construction Bank.
And GMAC, the financing arm of General Motors, will need to find $11.5
billion in capital. The government last week gave GMAC more federal
money after it agreed to be the lender for purchasers of Chrysler
vehicles while Chrysler is in bankruptcy. GMAC earlier converted to a
bank holding company, and the Treasury Department gave it $5 billion
from the Troubled Asset Relief Program fund.
The stress tests are aimed at estimating how much each bank would lose
if the economic downturn proved even deeper than currently expected.
Under the worst-case scenario — an unemployment rate of 10.3 percent,
an economic contraction of 3.3 percent this year and a 22 percent
further decline in housing prices — the losses by the 19 banks could
total $600 billion this year and next, or 9.1 percent of the banks’
total loans, regulators concluded. Losses to the banks’ loan portfolios
alone could total $455 billion this year and next.
Mr. Geithner said the stress tests provided far more disclosure than is
typical on financial companies. “That will make it possible for more
capital to come into the financial system,” he said. “That will make it
easier for banks to be in a position to ultimately repay the
government.”
The Treasury secretary said the regulators were conservative in their
estimates of the loan losses and in their expectations of future
earnings. “This was a carefully designed, credible test,” he said.
Regulators did not push for the ouster of any chief executives or
demand any specific board shake-ups. They also said they would not be
subjecting the rest of the nation’s banks to similar stress tests or
require them to have additional capital buffers.
Because most of the test results had largely leaked out earlier this
week, the actual numbers did little to jolt investors one way or the
other. Indeed, industry executives proclaimed that they had passed the
test with flying colors and proven their many critics wrong.
“The results of the stress should put to rest the harmful speculation
we have seen over the past few months,” declared Edward L. Yingling,
president of the American Bankers Association, almost five hours before
Treasury and Fed officials actually released the results.
Despite the reassuring picture outlined by Mr. Geithner and the Federal
Reserve chairman, Ben S. Bernanke, the stress test results hardly
silenced the raging debate between industry cheerleaders and skeptics
about whether the exercise amounted to a whitewash of the banks’
problems and vulnerabilities. Critics have long complained that the Fed
and the other federal bank regulatory agencies had designed a test that
was too easy to fail.
“It’s window-dressing,” said Bert Ely, a longtime bank analyst based in
Alexandria, Va. Mr. Ely was particularly skeptical about letting
companies bolster their balance sheets by converting preferred shares
to common.
“That won’t add one extra dollar to a bank’s capital buffer against
losses,” Mr. Ely complained.
From the start, Treasury and Fed officials have steered between what
Mr. Bernanke recently described as “Scylla and Charybdis” — being
perceived as too easy and too coddling of banks on the one hand — or so
tough and antagonistic that investors and consumers alike became even
more anxious.
But the big question, which remains unanswered, is whether Mr. Geithner
and Mr. Bernanke will in fact confront banks in a way that regulators
have been afraid to do for years — or whether regulators will simply
revert to business as usual once the crisis eases.
In a joint statement on Wednesday evening, federal regulators pointedly
noted that they reserved the right to shake up the top management and
boards of banks that have to rely on the government for their
additional capital.
In an interview on Wednesday on “The Charlie Rose Show” on PBS , Mr.
Geithner tried to emphasize the government’s willingness to oust top
executives if necessary.
“This crisis was deeply damaging in part because of this great loss of
confidence in the quality of leadership at America’s financial
institutions across the board,” Mr. Geithner said in the interview.
“These institutions, all of them, have a long way to go to rebuild that
sense of confidence and trust that’s necessary for any financial system
to run well.”
The International Monetary Fund has argued that financial institutions
still have about $2.3 trillion worth of unrecognized losses from toxic
assets tied to American mortgages and the collapse of the housing
bubble.
Treasury and Fed officials said those estimates overstated the size of
the hole that faced bank holding companies. Banks hold only a portion
of those toxic assets, they noted, and American banks hold an even
smaller portion of them. In addition, they noted, American banks have
already booked hundreds of billions of dollars in losses over the past
year.
But Douglas Elliott, an analyst at the Brookings Institution, said he
was surprised at how little extra capital the Federal Reserve and other
regulators had demanded that big banks raise. Mr. Elliott had predicted
as recently as Tuesday that the banks would have to raise a total of
$100 billion to $200 billion, rather than less than $80 billion.
“We have to be careful not to over-interpret the results,” Mr. Elliott
wrote in a research memo on Thursday morning. The tests are supposed to
estimate how solid the 19 big banks — defined as those with more than
$100 billion in assets — would be if the economy endured an “adverse
scenario” even worse than forecasters were already expecting.
But while the “adverse scenario” was supposed to be unlikely, it is not
that much worse than what has happened so far. It assumed, for example,
that unemployment would average 8.9 percent in 2009 and peak at
slightly more than 10 percent next year. As it happens, unemployment
hit 8.5 percent in April and could top 9 percent as early as Friday,
when the Labor Department releases its employment report for May.
That said, analysts also agree that the economic outlook has brightened
considerably in the last month or so. A wide array of recent indicators
— from consumer spending and consumer confidence to home sales and
credit conditions — now suggest that the economy is stabilizing and
that a fragile recovery will indeed begin later this year.
Share prices of the major banks, which had crashed to nearly
penny-stock levels earlier this year, have doubled and tripled since
early March. Part of that reflects diminishing fears about even higher
default rates on home mortgages, car loans and credit card debt.
But part of it may also be the result of the soothing messages from Mr.
Geithner and Mr. Bernanke that the stress tests would ultimately make
people feel more confident rather than less about the reliability of
the big banks.
Editorial
The
Stress Test Results
NYTIMES
April 26, 2009
The nation’s largest banks
received the results of their government stress tests on Friday. The
rest of us should get the news next week. For the Obama administration,
the tests could be a major success, if they provide clear data on which
to base a bank-rescue strategy. Or the tests could be one of its worst
failures, especially if they are not seen as credible. That would feed
already profound financial anxieties and make it even harder for
President Obama to manage the economic crisis.
The tests are designed to gauge each
bank’s capital, and its ability to withstand various stressful economic
scenarios. Regulators have released information about how the tests
were done, but it does not appear detailed enough for independent
analysts to verify the results.
If they are credible, the stress
tests will finally provide the information the government needs to deal
forcefully with the banking mess — assuming the White House also has
the will to do what is needed.
Banks that are shown to be well
capitalized can basically fend for themselves. That does not mean they
should be entirely freed from the government’s yoke. Bank health, where
it exists, is due largely to hundreds of billions of dollars of
taxpayer assistance and federal guarantees. The rules and monitoring
that come with that — including curbs on executive pay and oversight
from the bailout’s inspector general — should be loosened gradually as
government support is withdrawn.
Banks that are ailing are a tougher
problem. When the stress tests were announced in February, the plan
called for giving weak banks six months to raise private capital. If
they could not, the government would provide it, taking in exchange a
potentially big ownership stake.
If the capital shortfalls are
severe, however, it is all but certain that private capital will not be
forthcoming. The government should act quickly to plug the holes. That
will mean asking an angry Congress — and an angry public — for more
money. The Obama administration is not eager to do that. But it will
have a better chance if the results of the stress tests and their
implications are fully disclosed and explained.
The administration should use the
money to recapitalize the banks. And it should take temporary control
if that infusion results in a majority stake. The
banks’ current executives would be fired, shareholders would be wiped
out and bondholders would take a haircut. But that is the best way to
ensure that the banks’ finances are quickly and efficiently
restructured, and the taxpayers’ investment is protected. The
Obama administration has so far rejected that path. Instead it is
proposing to provide government subsidies to private investors to get
them to buy up the banks’ bad assets. At best, that would be an
indirect path to recapitalization — at worst, another expensive and
ultimately inadequate bailout attempt.
The administration needs to craft a
rescue that is comprehensive rather than piecemeal, that favors
taxpayers over investors, and that aims for a prompt, transparent
solution. If the tests have been rigorous, the White House has the
information it needs. Now the question is how it will use it.

Op-Ed Contributor
The Greenback
Effect
NYTIMES
By WARREN E. BUFFETT
August
19, 2009
Omaha
IN nature, every action has consequences, a phenomenon called the
butterfly effect. These consequences, moreover, are not necessarily
proportional. For example, doubling the carbon dioxide we belch into
the atmosphere may far more than double the subsequent problems for
society. Realizing this, the world properly worries about greenhouse
emissions.
The butterfly effect reaches into the financial world as well. Here,
the United States is spewing a potentially damaging substance into our
economy — greenback emissions.
To be sure, we’ve been doing this for a reason I resoundingly applaud.
Last fall, our financial system stood on the brink of a collapse that
threatened a depression. The crisis required our government to display
wisdom, courage and decisiveness. Fortunately, the Federal Reserve and
key economic officials in both the Bush and Obama administrations
responded more than ably to the need.
They made mistakes, of course. How could it have been otherwise when
supposedly indestructible pillars of our economic structure were
tumbling all around them? A meltdown, though, was avoided, with a
gusher of federal money playing an essential role in the rescue.
The United States economy is now out of the emergency room and appears
to be on a slow path to recovery. But enormous dosages of monetary
medicine continue to be administered and, before long, we will need to
deal with their side effects. For now, most of those effects are
invisible and could indeed remain latent for a long time. Still, their
threat may be as ominous as that posed by the financial crisis itself.
To understand this threat, we need to look at where we stand
historically. If we leave aside the war-impacted years of 1942 to 1946,
the largest annual deficit the United States has incurred since 1920
was 6 percent of gross domestic product. This fiscal year, though, the
deficit will rise to about 13 percent of G.D.P., more than twice the
non-wartime record. In dollars, that equates to a staggering $1.8
trillion. Fiscally, we are in uncharted territory.
Because of this gigantic deficit, our country’s “net debt” (that is,
the amount held publicly) is mushrooming. During this fiscal year, it
will increase more than one percentage point per month, climbing to
about 56 percent of G.D.P. from 41 percent. Admittedly, other
countries, like Japan and Italy, have far higher ratios and no one can
know the precise level of net debt to G.D.P. at which the United States
will lose its reputation for financial integrity. But a few more years
like this one and we will find out.
An increase in federal debt can be financed in three ways: borrowing
from foreigners, borrowing from our own citizens or, through a
roundabout process, printing money. Let’s look at the prospects for
each individually — and in combination.
The current account deficit — dollars that we force-feed to the rest of
the world and that must then be invested — will be $400 billion or so
this year. Assume, in a relatively benign scenario, that all of this is
directed by the recipients — China leads the list — to purchases of
United States debt. Never mind that this all-Treasuries allocation is
no sure thing: some countries may decide that purchasing American
stocks, real estate or entire companies makes more sense than soaking
up dollar-denominated bonds. Rumblings to that effect have recently
increased.
Then take the second element of the scenario — borrowing from our own
citizens. Assume that Americans save $500 billion, far above what
they’ve saved recently but perhaps consistent with the changing
national mood. Finally, assume that these citizens opt to put all their
savings into United States Treasuries (partly through intermediaries
like banks).
Even with these heroic assumptions, the Treasury will be obliged to
find another $900 billion to finance the remainder of the $1.8 trillion
of debt it is issuing. Washington’s printing presses will need to work
overtime.
Slowing them down will require extraordinary political will. With
government expenditures now running 185 percent of receipts, truly
major changes in both taxes and outlays will be required. A revived
economy can’t come close to bridging that sort of gap.
Legislators will correctly perceive that either raising taxes or
cutting expenditures will threaten their re-election. To avoid this
fate, they can opt for high rates of inflation, which never require a
recorded vote and cannot be attributed to a specific action that any
elected official takes. In fact, John Maynard Keynes long ago laid out
a road map for political survival amid an economic disaster of just
this sort: “By a continuing process of inflation, governments can
confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of
their citizens.... The process engages all the hidden forces of
economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which
not one man in a million is able to diagnose.”
I want to emphasize that there is nothing evil or destructive in an
increase in debt that is proportional to an increase in income or
assets. As the resources of individuals, corporations and countries
grow, each can handle more debt. The United States remains by far the
most prosperous country on earth, and its debt-carrying capacity will
grow in the future just as it has in the past.
But it was a wise man who said, “All I want to know is where I’m going
to die so I’ll never go there.” We don’t want our country to evolve
into the banana-republic economy described by Keynes.
Our immediate problem is to get our country back on its feet and
flourishing — “whatever it takes” still makes sense. Once recovery is
gained, however, Congress must end the rise in the debt-to-G.D.P. ratio
and keep our growth in obligations in line with our growth in resources.
Unchecked carbon emissions will likely cause icebergs to melt.
Unchecked greenback emissions will certainly cause the purchasing power
of currency to melt. The dollar’s destiny lies with Congress.
Warren E. Buffett is the chief
executive of Berkshire Hathaway, a diversified holding company.
Buffett Says Economy Fell Off Cliff
NYTIMES
By REUTERS
Filed at 11:27 a.m. ET
March 9, 2009
NEW YORK (Reuters) - Warren Buffett said on Monday the U.S. economy had
"fallen off a cliff" but would eventually recover, although a rebound
could kindle inflation worse than that experienced in the late 1970s.
Speaking on CNBC television, the 78-year-old billionaire said the
country is experiencing a "close to the worst-case" scenario of falling
business activity and rising unemployment, causing consumer confidence
and spending to tumble. Buffett called on Democratic and
Republican
policymakers to set aside partisan differences and unite under the
leadership of President Barack Obama to wage an "economic war" that
will fix the economy and restore confidence in banking.
He urged policymakers and regulators to communicate their efforts
better to the public, though he stopped short of major, specific policy
recommendations.
"People are confused and scared," he said. "People can't be worried
about banks, and a lot of them are."
Buffett spoke nine days after his insurance and investment company
Berkshire Hathaway Inc said quarterly profit fell 96 percent, largely
from losses on derivatives contracts. Berkshire's book value per share
fell 9.6 percent in 2008, the worst year since Buffett took over in
1965.
RECOVERY COULD TRIGGER MORE INFLATION
Buffett said Americans, including himself, did not predict the severity
of home price declines, which led to problems with securitizations and
other debt whose value depended on home prices continuing to rise, or
at least not plummet.
"It was like some kids saying the emperor has no clothes, and then
after he says that, he says now that the emperor doesn't have any
underwear either," Buffett said. "We want to err on the side next time
of not allowing big institutions to get as unchecked on leverage as we
have allowed them to do."
Consumers too should reduce their reliance on debt such as credit
cards, he said. "I can't make money borrowing money at 18 or 20
percent," said Buffett, ranked as the second-richest American by Forbes
magazine in October. "I'd go broke."
Buffett said the economy was mere hours away from collapse last
September when credit markets seized up, Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc
went bankrupt and insurer American International Group Inc got its
first bailout. While praising efforts by Federal Reserve Chairman
Ben
Bernanke and others to stimulate the economy, he said the economy
"can't turn around on a dime" and that their efforts could trigger
higher inflation once demand rebounds.
"We are certainly doing things that could lead to a lot of inflation,"
he said. "In economics there is no free lunch."
The stock of Omaha, Nebraska-based Berkshire has fallen by half since
September. Growth in some units such as auto insurer Geico Corp has
been offset by weakness elsewhere, including jewelry retailers that
Buffett said have "gotten killed."
Buffett said Berkshire will write less catastrophe insurance this year
after investing roughly one-third of its cash in high-yielding
securities issued by General Electric Co, Goldman Sachs Group Inc and
other companies. In morning trading, Berkshire Class A shares
were
down $795, or 1.1 percent, at $72,400. Their 52-week high is $147,000,
set last September 19, Reuters data show.
BANKS SHOULD "GET BACK TO BANKING"
Buffett called on banks to "get back to banking" and said an
overwhelmingly number would "earn their way out" of the recession, even
if stockholders don't go along for the ride.
Saying that "a bank that's going to go broke should be allowed to go
broke," Buffett nevertheless added that the "paralysis of confidence"
in the sector is "silly" because of safeguards such as deposit
insurance.
He said Wells Fargo & Co and U.S. Bancorp, two large Berkshire
holdings, should appear "better than ever" three years from now, while
the ailing Citigroup Inc, which Berkshire does not own, would probably
keep shrinking.
Bank of America Corp Chief Executive Kenneth Lewis, in a Wall Street
Journal opinion piece on Monday, agreed that the vast majority of banks
will survive. Berkshire has reported a small stake in Bank of America
stock. Buffett said he still expects Berkshire's derivatives
contracts, whose value depends on where four stock indexes trade a
decade and more from now, to be profitable.
Over 10 years, he said, "you will do considerably better owning a group
of equities" than U.S. Treasuries.
Buffett also defended his imperfectly timed October opinion piece for
The New York Times, where he said he was moving non-Berkshire holdings
in his personal account to stocks.
"I stand by the article," he said. "I just wish I had written it a few
months later."

Buffett cancelled municipal
debt bet 5 years early: WSJ
YAHOO
Reuters
20 August 2012
(Reuters) - Berkshire Hathaway Inc terminated a large wager on the
municipal-bond market five years early, the Wall Street Journal quoted
a person familiar with the transaction as saying.
In a quarterly regulatory disclosure filed this month, the Warren
Buffett-owned company terminated credit-default swaps insuring $8.25
billion of municipal debt. The paper said the early termination
is deepening questions among some
investors about the risks of buying debt issued by cities, states and
other public entities. The WSJ quoted the source as saying that
Buffett's bet that more than a
dozen U.S. states would keep paying their bills on time had been made
before the financial crisis.
The insurance-like contracts, which required Berkshire to pay in the
event of bond defaults, were bought by Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc in
2007, more than a year before the firm filed for bankruptcy, the WSJ
quoted the source as saying. Buffett declined to comment on the
details of the termination with the
Lehman Brothers estate, the paper added. It is not clear if the move
would leave the company with a profit or loss on the wager.
Berkshire was not immediately available for comment outside regular
office hours.
Stop Coddling the Super-Rich
NYTIMES
By WARREN E. BUFFETT
August 14, 2011
Omaha
OUR leaders have asked for “shared sacrifice.” But when they did the
asking, they spared me. I checked with my mega-rich friends to learn
what pain they were expecting. They, too, were left untouched.
While the poor and middle class fight for us in Afghanistan, and while
most Americans struggle to make ends meet, we mega-rich continue to get
our extraordinary tax breaks. Some of us are investment managers who
earn billions from our daily labors but are allowed to classify our
income as “carried interest,” thereby getting a bargain 15 percent tax
rate. Others own stock index futures for 10 minutes and have 60 percent
of their gain taxed at 15 percent, as if they’d been long-term
investors.
These and other blessings are showered upon us by legislators in
Washington who feel compelled to protect us, much as if we were spotted
owls or some other endangered species. It’s nice to have friends in
high places.
Last year my federal tax bill — the income tax I paid, as well as
payroll taxes paid by me and on my behalf — was $6,938,744. That sounds
like a lot of money. But what I paid was only 17.4 percent of my
taxable income — and that’s actually a lower percentage than was paid
by any of the other 20 people in our office. Their tax burdens ranged
from 33 percent to 41 percent and averaged 36 percent.
If you make money with money, as some of my super-rich friends do, your
percentage may be a bit lower than mine. But if you earn money from a
job, your percentage will surely exceed mine — most likely by a lot.
To understand why, you need to examine the sources of government
revenue. Last year about 80 percent of these revenues came from
personal income taxes and payroll taxes. The mega-rich pay income taxes
at a rate of 15 percent on most of their earnings but pay practically
nothing in payroll taxes. It’s a different story for the middle class:
typically, they fall into the 15 percent and 25 percent income tax
brackets, and then are hit with heavy payroll taxes to boot.
Back in the 1980s and 1990s, tax rates for the rich were far higher,
and my percentage rate was in the middle of the pack. According to a
theory I sometimes hear, I should have thrown a fit and refused to
invest because of the elevated tax rates on capital gains and dividends.
I didn’t refuse, nor did others. I have worked with investors for 60
years and I have yet to see anyone — not even when capital gains rates
were 39.9 percent in 1976-77 — shy away from a sensible investment
because of the tax rate on the potential gain. People invest to make
money, and potential taxes have never scared them off. And to those who
argue that higher rates hurt job creation, I would note that a net of
nearly 40 million jobs were added between 1980 and 2000. You know
what’s happened since then: lower tax rates and far lower job creation.
Since 1992, the I.R.S. has compiled data from the returns of the 400
Americans reporting the largest income. In 1992, the top 400 had
aggregate taxable income of $16.9 billion and paid federal taxes of
29.2 percent on that sum. In 2008, the aggregate income of the highest
400 had soared to $90.9 billion — a staggering $227.4 million on
average — but the rate paid had fallen to 21.5 percent.
The taxes I refer to here include only federal income tax, but you can
be sure that any payroll tax for the 400 was inconsequential compared
to income. In fact, 88 of the 400 in 2008 reported no wages at all,
though every one of them reported capital gains. Some of my brethren
may shun work but they all like to invest. (I can relate to that.)
I know well many of the mega-rich and, by and large, they are very
decent people. They love America and appreciate the opportunity this
country has given them. Many have joined the Giving Pledge, promising
to give most of their wealth to philanthropy. Most wouldn’t mind being
told to pay more in taxes as well, particularly when so many of their
fellow citizens are truly suffering.
Twelve members of Congress will soon take on the crucial job of
rearranging our country’s finances. They’ve been instructed to devise a
plan that reduces the 10-year deficit by at least $1.5 trillion. It’s
vital, however, that they achieve far more than that. Americans are
rapidly losing faith in the ability of Congress to deal with our
country’s fiscal problems. Only action that is immediate, real and very
substantial will prevent that doubt from morphing into hopelessness.
That feeling can create its own reality.
Job one for the 12 is to pare down some future promises that even a
rich America can’t fulfill. Big money must be saved here. The 12 should
then turn to the issue of revenues. I would leave rates for 99.7
percent of taxpayers unchanged and continue the current
2-percentage-point reduction in the employee contribution to the
payroll tax. This cut helps the poor and the middle class, who need
every break they can get.
But for those making more than $1 million — there were 236,883 such
households in 2009 — I would raise rates immediately on taxable income
in excess of $1 million, including, of course, dividends and capital
gains. And for those who make $10 million or more — there were 8,274 in
2009 — I would suggest an additional increase in rate.
My friends and I have been coddled long enough by a
billionaire-friendly Congress. It’s time for our government to get
serious about shared sacrifice.
Warren E. Buffett is the chairman and chief executive of Berkshire
Hathaway.
Warren Buffett demands to pay more tax
I-BBC
15 August 2011 Last updated at 11:25 ET
Warren Buffett has called for Congress to make him and his
"mega-rich friends" pay more income tax.
In a piece in the left-leaning New York Times, the billionaire investor
and philanthropist said the rich should do more to help plug the
deficit.
He called for a tax rise for those earning more than $1m
(£600,000), and a higher rate for those on over $10m.
In a rebuttal of arguments made by Republicans, he said tax rises would
not hurt investment or jobs in the US.
He told Congress to "stop coddling the super-rich".
"Our leaders have asked for 'shared sacrifice'," he wrote. "But when
they did the asking, they spared me."
Challenge to Congress
Mr Buffett explained that, like many top earners, his income came
entirely from investments rather than from employment, which are
subject to lower taxes in the US.
He said last year he paid an effective tax rate of 17.4%, less than the
33% to 41% paid by the employees in his office.
He dismissed arguments made by senior Republicans, including House
majority leader John Boehner, that taxing higher earners more would
damage investment and job creation in the US.
"I have yet to see anyone... shy away from a sensible investment
because of the tax rate on the potential gains," he said.
He pointed out that the effective tax rate paid by the highest earners
was much higher in the 1980s and 1990s than in the last decade, and yet
job creation was much higher in the earlier decades.
His proposed tax rises would not affect 99.7% of taxpayers, he claimed,
adding that a 2% payroll tax cut passed in December should stay in
place to help the poor and middle classes.
However, Mr Buffett also set a challenge for the Democrats who are set
to form a special Congressional committee with Republicans to agree
$1.5tn in budget savings.
He said "job one for the 12 [committee members] is to pare down some
future promises that even a rich American can't fulfil".
While Republicans have been implacably opposed to tax rises, Democrats
have been loathe to cut healthcare and social security benefits that
some economists claim will become unaffordable as Americans live longer
and baby-boomers retire.
Warren Buffett: "We're still in a recession"
YAHOO
By Jonathan Stempel
Thu Sep 23, 2010 10:50 am ET
NEW YORK (Reuters) – Billionaire investor Warren Buffett said the U.S.
economy remains in recession, disputing this week's assessment by a
leading arbiter of economic activity that the downturn ended more than
a year ago.
"We're still in a recession," Buffett told CNBC television in an
interview broadcast on Thursday. "We're not gonna be out of it for a
while, but we will get out."
On Monday, the National Bureau of Economic Research said the world's
largest economy ended an 18-month recession in June 2009, but cautioned
that its assessment did not mean normal activity had resumed.
Buffett said he defines a recession differently from the NBER, saying
it ends when real per capita gross domestic product returns to its
pre-downturn level.
President Barack Obama said on Monday that economic weakness is "still
very real" for the millions of Americans who are out of work, have seen
the value of their homes fall, or are mired in debt.
Buffett, 80, runs Berkshire Hathaway Inc, which has roughly 80
operating businesses. "A great majority" of these businesses are
"coming back slowly," he said.
Berkshire's operations cover a broad swath of the economy, including
the Burlington Northern Santa Fe railroad, Dairy Queen ice cream, Geico
auto insurance, and luxury jewelers such as Borsheim's.
Shipments at Burlington Northern are "61 percent of the way back,"
Buffett said. "Our carpet business, our brick business, our insulation
business, they're not back 61 percent, but they are moving back."
On Tuesday, the U.S. Federal Reserve, which has already driven
short-term lending rates to near zero, said it is prepared to provide
additional stimulus to support economic expansion and avert possible
deflation.
"We've used up a lot of bullets," Buffett said. "And we talk about
stimulus. But the truth is, we're running a federal deficit that's 9
percent of GDP. That is stimulative as all get out."
Buffett's $45 billion net worth makes him the second-richest American,
trailing only Microsoft Corp co-founder Bill Gates, Forbes magazine
said on Wednesday.
Berkshire Class A shares fell 0.6 percent to $123,077 in morning
trading. They traded as high as $126,160, their highest level in nearly
23 months, on September 17.
Buffett: Economy on mend, health care big
problem
YAHOO
By Jonathan Stempel
March 1, 2010
NEW YORK, March 1 (Reuters) – Warren Buffett said the U.S. economy has
passed the worst of its troubles but faces an uneven recovery as
consumers keep a tight rein on spending.
"We got past Pearl Harbor," Buffett said Monday on the CNBC business
news channel. "We will win the war."
But he said business remains slow in many areas, including at his
insurance and investment company Berkshire Hathaway Inc (BRKa.N)
(BRKb.N), as consumers adopt a more cautious mindset about spending.
He also said consumers must fend off "out of control" health care
costs, "a national emergency" that is a "tapeworm" eating at the
economy. Buffett called on lawmakers in Washington to adopt reforms
that would restrict costs more than any current proposal does.
Even as the economy improves, Buffett said it may not make stocks more
attractive to buy. He lamented not buying more aggressively last March,
when stocks were hitting decade lows.
"My enthusiasm for stocks is in direct proportion to how far they go
down," he said. "Stocks are a lot less attractive now than they were a
year ago."
Buffett spoke two days after Berkshire published its annual report,
including Buffett's widely read shareholder letter. Full-year
profit
at the Omaha, Nebraska-based company rose 61 percent. Berkshire has
about 80 operating businesses that sell things from car insurance,
carpeting and ice cream to industrial components, paint and underwear.
"There's a few businesses that have really had a fair amount of
bounce," while others show no improvement, Buffett said. "It's getting
better, but at a very, very slow pace."
He said U.S. President Barack Obama is doing a good job in restoring
the country from difficult conditions. "I give Obama high marks," he
said.
BUFFETT PRAISES GOLDMAN CEO
Berkshire's $26.5 billion takeover last month of Burlington Northern
Santa Fe Corp, the second-largest U.S. railroad, cost Berkshire the
last of its "triple-A" ratings from major credit agencies.
Buffett raised about half of the $15.9 billion of cash used for the
takeover, Berkshire's largest, in credit markets. He said the
downgrades had virtually no impact on Berkshire, perhaps costing just a
few hundredths of a percentage point in extra yield on its debt.
"I think we deserve a quadruple-A" rating, he joked. Such a rating does
not exist.
Buffett offered praise for Goldman Sachs Group Inc (GS.N) and Chief
Executive Lloyd Blankfein, which advised on the takeover, and in which
Berkshire owns $5 billion of preferred shares and warrants to buy an
equal amount of stock. The warrants are in the money because Goldman
stock has risen. Goldman still receives much criticism over the
extent
to which it may have contributed to the recent financial crisis, and
the debt crisis now afflicting Greece.
Berkshire acquired the Goldman securities in September 2008 at the
height of the financial crisis, and Buffett said he would do it again
under the circumstances if he had another chance.
"It's a very, very strong, well-run business," he said. On Blankfein,
he said, "You cannot find a better manager."
CEO SUCCESSION
Buffett also said there remain three potential candidates to succeed
him as chief executive, including one ready to take over immediately if
needed.
He praised David Sokol, who chairs Berkshire's MidAmerican Energy unit
and whom he installed to slash debt and restore profit at the troubled
NetJets plane leasing unit. "What Dave has done there is miraculous,"
Buffett said.
Buffett also praised Ajit Jain, a 25-year Berkshire veteran who runs
much of its insurance business and talks with Buffett each day. He
called Jain "incredibly valuable" to Berkshire and said he is
responsible for a huge part of its success.
Paper gains drive Berkshire's profit skyward
YAHOO
By JOSH FUNK, AP Business Writer
Feb. 27, 2010
OMAHA, Neb. – Berkshire Hathaway Inc. delivered a fourth-quarter profit
more than 25 times higher than the previous year thanks largely to an
unrealized $1 billion gain on derivative contracts and investments.
Warren Buffett's company said Saturday that its insurance and utility
divisions also performed well and helped offset weakness in
subsidiaries tied to the economy, such as NetJets, Acme Brick and other
manufacturing and retail businesses.
Berkshire generated $3.056 billion in net income, or $1,969 per Class A
share, during the quarter. That's up from $117 million net income, or
$76 per share, a year ago.
The three analysts surveyed by Thomson Reuters had expected Berkshire
to report fourth-quarter earnings per share of $1,208.33 on average.
Buy American. I Am.
NYTIMES
By WARREN E. BUFFETT
Published: October 16, 2008
THE financial world is a mess,
both in the United States and abroad. Its problems, moreover, have been
leaking into the general economy, and the leaks are now turning into a
gusher. In the near term, unemployment will rise, business activity
will falter and headlines will continue to be scary.
So ... I’ve been buying American stocks. This is my personal account
I’m talking about, in which I previously owned nothing but United
States government bonds. (This description leaves aside my Berkshire
Hathaway holdings, which are all committed to philanthropy.) If prices
keep looking attractive, my non-Berkshire net worth will soon be 100
percent in United States equities.
Why?
A simple rule dictates my buying: Be fearful when others are greedy,
and be greedy when others are fearful. And most certainly, fear is now
widespread, gripping even seasoned investors. To be sure, investors are
right to be wary of highly leveraged entities or businesses in weak
competitive positions. But fears regarding the long-term prosperity of
the nation’s many sound companies make no sense. These businesses will
indeed suffer earnings hiccups, as they always have. But most major
companies will be setting new profit records 5, 10 and 20 years from
now.
Let me be clear on one point: I can’t predict the short-term movements
of the stock market. I haven’t the faintest idea as to whether stocks
will be higher or lower a month — or a year — from now. What is likely,
however, is that the market will move higher, perhaps substantially so,
well before either sentiment or the economy turns up. So if you wait
for the robins, spring will be over.
A little history here: During the Depression, the Dow hit its low, 41,
on July 8, 1932. Economic conditions, though, kept deteriorating until
Franklin D. Roosevelt took office in March 1933. By that time, the
market had already advanced 30 percent. Or think back to the early days
of World War II, when things were going badly for the United States in
Europe and the Pacific. The market hit bottom in April 1942, well
before Allied fortunes turned. Again, in the early 1980s, the time to
buy stocks was when inflation raged and the economy was in the tank. In
short, bad news is an investor’s best friend. It lets you buy a slice
of America’s future at a marked-down price.
Over the long term, the stock market news will be good. In the 20th
century, the United States endured two world wars and other traumatic
and expensive military conflicts; the Depression; a dozen or so
recessions and financial panics; oil shocks; a flu epidemic; and the
resignation of a disgraced president. Yet the Dow rose from 66 to
11,497.
You might think it would have been impossible for an investor to lose
money during a century marked by such an extraordinary gain. But some
investors did. The hapless ones bought stocks only when they felt
comfort in doing so and then proceeded to sell when the headlines made
them queasy.
Today people who hold cash equivalents feel comfortable. They
shouldn’t. They have opted for a terrible long-term asset, one that
pays virtually nothing and is certain to depreciate in value. Indeed,
the policies that government will follow in its efforts to alleviate
the current crisis will probably prove inflationary and therefore
accelerate declines in the real value of cash accounts.
Equities will almost certainly outperform cash over the next decade,
probably by a substantial degree. Those investors who cling now to cash
are betting they can efficiently time their move away from it later. In
waiting for the comfort of good news, they are ignoring Wayne Gretzky’s
advice: “I skate to where the puck is going to be, not to where it has
been.”
I don’t like to opine on the stock market, and again I emphasize that I
have no idea what the market will do in the short term. Nevertheless,
I’ll follow the lead of a restaurant that opened in an empty bank
building and then advertised: “Put your mouth where your money was.”
Today my money and my mouth both say equities.
IN THE U.S.A. IT IS TAKEOVER
TIME...IS FORD IN THIS PICTURE?




Special NYTIMES graphic: where
your $700 billion went: http://projects.nytimes.com/creditcrisis/recipients/table
House lawmaker calls for
probe
of Fannie Mae allegations
YAHOO
Sat Aug 7, 12:38 am ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The top Republican on the House Financial
Services Committee called on Friday for an investigation into charges
that mortgage finance giant Fannie Mae pushed borrowers into a mortgage
aid program so it could receive incentive payments from the U.S.
government.
Spencer Bachus, the top Republican on the House Financial Services
Committee, asked panel chairman Barney Frank to hold a hearing to
investigate allegations made in a lawsuit filed in June by former
Fannie Mae consultant Caroline Herron.
The Center for Public Integrity, a government watchdog group, disclosed
the lawsuit on Friday. In it, Herron said she was fired in January
after she raised questions about delays and missteps in President
Barack Obama's $50 billion Home Affordable Modification Program
(HAMP). The HAMP program, which is administered by Fannie Mae,
helps subsidize new terms for borrowers struggling to keep up with
their mortgage payments.
"If true, it would help explain why HAMP has been such a failure," said
Bachus.
"It would mean that thanks to Fannie Mae's executives' misfeasance,
particularly a preoccupation with short-term financial gain, HAMP was
only able to permanently modify about 230,000 mortgages, instead of the
3 million modifications that the Obama Administration promised," he
said.
Janis Smith, a spokeswoman with Fannie Mae, said it was notified in
early March of Herron's allegations and later had an independent
investigation conducted. The review, led by Michael Bromwich, a
former inspector general at the Justice Department "found no merit to
her allegations," Smith said.
Herron, a former vice president at Fannie Mae, returned in 2009 as a
consultant where she earned $200-an-hour. She said in the lawsuit she
was fired after saying the HAMP program was characterized by
"mismanagement and gross waste of public funds."
Treasury spokesman Mark Paustenbach said on Friday the department
"remains confident in Fannie Mae" as the program's administrator.
Treasury on July 20 said that the number of borrowers dropping out the
program grew in June at almost twice the pace of those getting a
permanent modification. Those figures were not revised.
The dropout rate could signal a rise in foreclosures in the second half
of the year at a time when the housing market is still fragile and
analysts fear another housing slump could threaten the nascent economic
recovery.
The data showed more than 40 percent of the roughly 1.3 million
borrowers who have started in the program since its March 2009
inception have since dropped out, while just over 30 percent have
received permanent new terms for their loan.
Fannie Mae seeks $8.4B in aid after 1Q
loss
YAHOO
By ALAN ZIBEL, AP Real Estate Writer
10 May 2010
WASHINGTON – Fannie Mae has again asked taxpayers for more money after
reporting a first-quarter loss of more than $13 billion.
The mortgage finance company, which was rescued by the government in
September 2008, said it needs an additional $8.4 billion from the
government to help cover mounting losses.
Fannie Mae says it lost $13.1 billion, or $2.29 per share, in the
January-March period. That takes into account $1.5 billion in dividends
paid to the Treasury Department. It compares with a loss of $23.2
billion, or $4.09 a share, in the year-ago period.
The rescue of Fannie Mae and sister company Freddie Mac is turning out
to be one of the most expensive aftereffects of the financial meltdown.
The new request for aid will bring Fannie Mae's total to $83.6 billion.
The total bill for the duo will now be nearly $145 billion.
Late last year, the Obama administration pledged to cover unlimited
losses through 2012 for Freddie and Fannie, lifting an earlier cap of
$400 billion.
Fannie and Freddie play a vital role in the mortgage market by
purchasing mortgages from lenders and selling them to investors.
Together the pair own or guarantee almost 31 million home loans worth
about $5.5 trillion. That's about half of all mortgages.
The two companies, however, loosened their lending standards for
borrowers during the real estate boom and are reeling from the
consequences.
With the housing market still on shaky ground, Obama administration
officials say it is still too early to draft any proposals to reform
the two companies or the broader housing finance system.
But Republicans argue the sweeping financial overhaul currently before
Congress is incomplete without a plan for Fannie and Freddie. They
propose transforming Fannie and Freddie into private companies with no
government subsidies, or shutting them down completely.
The legislation "touches nearly every corner of the economy," Alabama
Sen. Richard Shelby said in the GOP weekly radio and Internet address
over the weekend. "But these major contributors to the crisis are left
unscathed," he added, singling out Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
Fannie & Freddie: The biggest
bailout
NYPOST^By MATTHEW RICHARDSON
Last Updated: 4:59 AM, March 29, 2010
Posted: 12:19 AM, March 29, 2010
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac recently announced fresh losses, bringing
their total since the fall of 2008 to $126 billion.
It barely registered as news -- although taxpayers are completely on
the line for the bad debt of these government-sponsored enterprises.
There's a chance that the support thrown at the rest of the financial
sector -- $465 billion of direct capital, $285 billion of loan
guarantees and insurance of $418 billion of assets -- isn't all money
down the drain. $175 billion has been returned, the loan guarantees
look much safer, and the insurance program, mainly for Citigroup, has
been terminated.
Even the poster child for financial excess, AIG, may be able to fully
pay off the government if the housing market doesn't deteriorate
further or the economy substantially improves.
But the chances are slim to none that Fannie or Freddie will be able to
pay back the funds. It is highly likely that taxpayers will lose well
over $200 billion -- and it may well pass $300 billion. When the
history of the crisis is all written, these two institutions will turn
out to be the most costly of the financial sector -- worse than AIG,
Citigroup or Bank of America/Merrill Lynch.
So where is the outrage?
It's not the pay packages: Compensation at Fannie and Freddie was right
up there with other financial firms. For example, in 2006 and 2007, as
housing conditions were weakening and the crisis started, the CEO
salaries of Fannie were $14.4 and $12.2 million, and Freddie were $15.5
million and $19.8 million.
The answer may lie in the ways of Washington.
On one side, the conservative think tanks argue that Fannie and Freddie
were ground zero of the subprime crisis, having been arms of the
Clinton-Bush era push toward affordable housing for all. On the other
side, liberals say the noise over Fannie/Freddie flap is a bid to
divert blame from the supposed true causes, deregulation and the
excesses of Wall Street.
There is probably a little truth to both views. But these arguments are
beside the point: Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are where they are because
they were run as the largest hedge funds on the planet.
Here's a deal: We'll put in $1, you lend us $25. We'll invest this $26
in bank-originated pools of mortgages that are not easy to sell and
face significant long-term risks. We'll try to hedge that risk, but our
models have such large error and uncertainty that our hedges might not
work.
One more thing: We'll put 15 percent of the funds in subprime mortgages
whose borrowers won't be able to pay if we hit a recession or a severe
housing downturn. Plus, just to make it interesting, we'll become the
largest financial institution in terms of assets related to mortgages,
making us truly too-big-to-fail.
For this type of risk, we know you'll expect a big return. But we're
only going to pay you the yield on government bonds plus a little extra.
You'd think our investment pitch was crazy and reject the deal
outright. But if we came along and whispered to you that we have a
wealthy relative -- our dear old Uncle Sam -- who'll make you good on
what you lend us, no matter what happens, you might well stop caring
about the risk. If you believe that Sam will be there, you'll give us
your money freely.
This, of course, is a description of the $1.5 trillion hedge-fund
business model of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
It was a recipe for disaster for taxpayers. And unlike the banks or
AIG, these risks were out in the open. Analysts have been pounding
their fists on the table for years about them, so we have no one to
blame but ourselves.
What to do now? Because of their size and importance to the mortgage
market, Fannie and Freddie should continue their mortgage-guarantee and
-securitization programs -- but within a framework similar to the
current Federal Housing Administration and successful GNMA programs.
And, because the old Fannie/Freddie model of private profit-taking and
government covering of losses is untenable, their hedge-fund function
should be shut down.
Fannie Mae asks for $15.3B in federal
aid after posting $16.3 billion loss in fourth quarter
From the LWVCT link to Partnership for Strong Communities' website
ALAN ZIBEL, AP Real Estate Writer
6:23 PM EST, February 26, 2010
WASHINGTON (AP) — Fannie Mae needs another $15 billion in federal
assistance, bringing its total to more than $75 billion. And worse, the
mortgage finance company warned its losses will continue this year.
The rescue of Fannie Mae and sister company Freddie Mac is turning out
to be one of the most expensive aftereffects of the financial meltdown.
The new request means the total bill for the duo will top $126 billion.
And the pain isn't over. Fannie warned Friday that it will need even
more money from the Treasury, as unemployment remains high and millions
of Americans lose their homes through foreclosure.
Fannie Mae reported Friday that it lost $74.4 billion, or $13.11 a
share, last year, including $2.5 billion in dividends paid to the
government. That compares with a loss of $59.8 billion, or $24 a share,
a year earlier.
Fannie Mae, which was seized by federal regulators in September 2008,
has racked up losses totaling $136.8 billion over the past three year.
Late last year, the Obama administration pledged to cover unlimited
losses through 2012 for Freddie and Fannie, lifting an earlier cap of
$400 billion.
Earlier in the week, Freddie reported a loss of almost $26 billion for
last year. The company didn't request any more money, but expect to do
so later this year.
Fannie and Freddie play a vital role in the mortgage market by
purchasing mortgages from lenders and selling them to investors.
Together the pair own or guarantee almost 31 million home loans worth
about $5.5 trillion. That's about half of all mortgages.
"Through this prolonged stress in the housing market, we are helping
homeowners across the country, supporting affordable housing, and
providing financing to keep the residential markets functioning," the
company's chief executive, Mike Williams, said in a statement.
The two companies, however, loosened their lending standards for
borrowers during the real estate boom and are reeling from the
consequences. At the end of last year, nearly 5.4 percent of Fannie
Mae's borrowers had missed at least one payment — dramatically higher
than historic levels.
During the most recent quarter, Washington-based Fannie suffered $11.9
billion in credit losses and